PGMEA를 포함하는 폐유기용제의 정제

윤경진 ( Kyoung Jin Yoon ),이웅목 ( Woong Mok Lee ),권오훈 ( Oh Hoon Kwon ),김재용 ( Jae Yong Kim ) 한국공업화학회 2010 공업화학 Vol.21 No.6

Liquid Crystal Display (LCD) 제조 공정에서 배출되는 폐유기용제에서 Propylene Glycol Monomethyl Ether Acetate (PGMEA)를 회수하여 재활용할 목적으로 다단계 증류탑을 이용하여 실험실적 규모의 증류 실험을 수행하여 최적 환류비를 결정하고자 하였다 최종실험결과, 시료 A의 경우 PGMEA는 98% 이상, 수분 함량은 0.05% 이하이며, 시료 B의 경우 Reflux ratio를 6으로 한 경우 PGMEA 95% 이상, 수분 함량은 0.01% 이하이다(시료 A, B에 대한 내용은 Table 1에 명시함.). 이 값은 LCD 제조에 재활용할 수 있는 일반 수준인 90%보다 높은 수지로서 적용이 가능하다. This study was performed to recycle Propylene Glycol Monomethyl Ether Acetate (PGMEA) from Liquid Crystal Display (LCD) industry emission as a waste organic solvent by using a multistage distillation column and tried to decide optimum reflux ratio. From the final experiment result, it was confirmed; in case the sample A, the PGMEA purity is more than 98% and the moisture is less than 0.05%, on the other hand, in case the sample B, the PGMEA purity is more than 95% when the reflux ratio is 6 and the moisture is less than 001% (Refer to Table 1 for the contents of sample A and B). These values means fine level which can be adapted in the LCD manufacture, requiring more than 90% common purity of recycling level.

초등학교 영어교육에서 파닉스 지도에 관한 교사 인식 조사와 개선 방향

윤경진(Yoon, KyoungJin),이재근(Lee, Jaekeun) 학습자중심교과교육학회 2017 학습자중심교과교육연구 Vol.17 No.9

본 연구의 목적은 초등학교에서 영어 파닉스(phonics) 지도에 관한 교사의 인식도 조사를 통해 파닉스 지도를 개선하는 방향을 제시하고, 효율적인 읽기 지도방법을 마련하는 것이다. 이를 해결하기 위한 방법으로 교사 설문조사와 교과서를 분석하 였다. 설문조사(2016.9.1-11.31)를 분석한 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 초등 영어 교과서 상의 파닉스 비중을 늘려야 한다 . 둘째, 상당수의 교사들이 파닉스를 지도할 때 교과서의 내용을 보충하거나 재구성한다는 응답은 초등 영어 교과서의 파닉스 내용의 재정비가 필요하다는 것을 시사한다. 셋째, 초등영어 교과서의 파닉스 지도를 위한 교수·학습 모형을 구안, 보급할 필요가 있다. 이를 바탕으로 한 제언은 다음과 같다. 첫째, 실제 현장 초등 영어수업에서 사용할 수 있는 교재에 대한 연구가 필요하다. 둘째, 파닉스 수업 시수증대를 위한 영어 및 타교과와의 연계방안 연구가 필요하다. 셋째, 학년군별에 맞는 파닉스 교수학습모형이 필요하다. The purpose of this study is to analyze the survey of elementary English teacher s recognition on the phonics for improving phonics in elementary English education. The results of the survey of Elementary English teachers on the phonics and the analysis of the elementary English text books are as follows: First, we should place greater importance on the phonics. Second, the greater part of teachers answer-they need supplement or reconstruction on the teaching phonics-shows that elementary English textbooks should be reorganized on the phonics. Finally, the teaching-learning model for phonics teaching of elementary English textbooks should be designed and propagated.

三韓一統意識의 성립 시기에 대한 재론

윤경진(Yoon, Kyeong-Jin) 한국사연구회 2016 한국사연구 Vol.- No.175

Examined in this article are key historical resources which have been used to confirm the time when the “Notion of Three Hans being one”(三韓一統意識) was supposedly formed. It has been a somewhat general belief that such notion was formed in the 7th century, yet recently it has been newly argued that the notion itself was only formed at the end of the 9th century. In response, a rebuttal was also presented from scholars who shared the previous belief, and argued in this article, is that the notion was indeed formed at the end of the 9th century. There is no evidence that 「Cheongju Uncheon-dong Sajeok-bi(A Tablet commemorating Cheongju region’s Uncheon-dong areal history : 청주운천동사적비)」 was erected in the 7th century, and the overall contents seem to be reflecting the reality of the ending days of Unified Shilla as well as early years of Goryeo. The posthumous title ‘Taejong(太宗)’ dedicated to the Shilla king Mu’yeol-wang demonstrated the king’s own legitimacy and had nothing to do with the ‘single line of inheritance[一統] coupling all three Hans(三韓).’ The supposedly historical fact of Kim Yu-shin(金庾信) presenting –upon his death- king Munmu-wang with his own ideas concerning dynastic governing[獻議], actually seems to have been fabricated later, based upon Wi Jing(魏徵)’s ‘posthumously presented appeal[遺表].’ The term and concept “Nine Hans[九韓]” which appears in the tale of the Hwang’ryong-sa monastery’s Nine-storied wooden pagoda, does not include Shilla itself. So it cannot be considered as a concept compatible with the “Three Hans” notion. 『Dongdo Seong’rib-gi(東都成立記)』 was a book that compiled stories related to the Gyeong-ju city. It was a book produced by An’hong(安弘) at the request of Goryeo, and the meaning of this book was also redefined in later periods.

2009 초등영어 교육과정에 대한 교사의 인식과 쟁점

윤경진 ( Kyoung Jin Yoon ),김동연 ( Dong Yeon Kim ),이재근 ( Jae Keun Lee ) 한국교원대학교 초등교육연구소 2014 초등교과교육연구 Vol.20 No.-

This study is on teachers`` recognition & issues of 2009 elementary English curriculum since it was applied during the first semester of 2014 school year. The study surveyed the applied problems of 2009 elementary English curriculum, understanding of grade band, correspondence of grade band and elementary education, recognition of the increasing or decreasing the number of class hours, the difficulties of the increasing or decreasing the number of class hours, recognition of leveled classes, the developmental method of expressive skills to the teachers. To manage the 2009 elementary English curriculum in elementary school successfully, we need to prepare both hardware-management and software-management. For these managements, there will be considered to accomplish management of subject-classrooms, usages of grade band textbooks, class organization based on the grade band, effective increasing or decreasing the number of class hours and agreement of school management for leveled classes based on individual difference. For more effective and successful results, both experimental schools are needed to perform the curriculum.

고려 말 조선 초 서해 · 남해안 僑郡 사례의 분석 : 전라도 · 충청도 · 서해도 지역의 사례

尹京鎭(Yoon Kyeong-jin) 고려사학회 2008 한국사학보 Vol.- No.31

이 논문은 고려 말 조선 초 전라도 · 충청도 · 서해도 지역에서 발생한 僑郡의 사례를 발굴 추출하고, 교군의 설치로부터 환원 · 폐지에 이르는 과정을 분석한 것이다. 珍島縣은 공민왕대 昆湄縣에 교우하다가 태종 9년에 海南縣과 합하여 海珍郡이라 하였다. 태종 14년 본도로 환원되었다가 바로 출륙하였고, 세종 19년에 다시 본도로 환원되었다. 壓海縣과 長山縣 · 臨淄縣 등 도서 군현들은 『신증동국여지승람』 고적조에 실린 廢縣의 연혁과 위치 등을 통해 교군 운영을 확인할 수 있다. 黑山島(榮山縣)는 공민왕 11년 왜적 포로를 바친 공을 감안하여 왜구를 피해 출륙할 때 교우처를 군현으로 승격해 준 사례이다. 長興府는 처음에 道康郡의 修因山城에 교우하다가 우왕 5년에 鐵冶縣으로 이동하였으며, 태조 원년에 속현이던 遂寧縣에 성을 쌓고 정착하였다. 장흥부는 교우 과정에서 일시 寶城郡과 병합된 사적이 보이는데, 「高麗末戶籍斷片」에 보이는 長寶는 이 때 제정된 읍호로 판단된다. 이외에 寶城郡과 靈巖郡 역시 교우를 추정할 수 있다. 高興縣은 우왕 14년경에 兆陽縣에서 교우를 시작했다가 태조 4년에 이를 속현으로 이속받았고, 태조 6년에는 鎭이 설치되었다. 세종 23년 南陽縣과 합치면서 읍치를 荳原縣 지역으로 옮기고 읍호를 興陽으로 바꾸었다. 泰安郡은 문집 자료를 통해 교우가 확인되는데, 공민왕 22년에 瑞山郡에 교우하다가 우왕 9년에 禮山縣으로 옮겼고, 공양왕 2년에 다시 서산군에 성을 쌓고 옮겨왔다. 이곳에는 蓴堤鎭이 설치되었는데, 태종 16년 鎭城을 태안군의 古治로 옮기면서 태안군도 본토로 환원되었다. 白翎鎭은 처음 출륙한 후 文化縣에 교우하다가 鎭將을 폐지하고 문화현의 任內로 편제되었고, 태종 10년에 읍사마저 폐지되어 直村으로 흡수되었다. 세종 9년 백령진 人吏들의 요청에 따라 이들을 永康에 소속시키고 康翎縣이라 하였다. In this article, the Gyogun(僑郡) units that are believed to have existed alongside the Southwest shores of the Korean peninsula, during the transitional period between the Goryeo and Joseon dynasties, are searched for and determined. And the cycle that commenced with the establishment of those Gyogun units, and ended with either their reverse to their original state or the units' entire dismantlement, is analyzed here as well. In the Jeonra-do(全羅道) region, Gyou(僑寓) units are found in Jindo-hyeon(珍島縣)(which was an island), and other areas such as Abhae-hyeon(壓海縣), Jangsan-hyeon(長山縣) and Imchi-hyeon(臨淄縣). Among them, Jindo-hyeon was merged with Haenam-hyeon(海南縣). And Heuksan-do(黑山島)/Yeongsan-hyeon(榮山縣) was a case in which the unit was turned into a Gun/Hyeon unit when it returned to the inland(山陸). And in shore areas like Jangheung-bu(長興府), and other areas like Boseong-gun(寶城郡) and Goheung-hyeon(高興縣), Gyou units are found as well. Jangheung and Boseong were later temporarily merged with each other, and in Goheung-hyeon a Jin(鎭) unit was established during the Gyou stage. In the Chungcheong-do(忠淸道) region, the Gyou unit of Taean-gun(泰安郡) can be found, and a Jin unit was placed here as well. In the Seohae-do(西海道) region, Baekryeong-jin(白翎鎭) was first operated as a Gyogun unit when it returned to the inland, yet later it was dismantled and was merged with Yeonggang to become Gangryeong-hyeon(康翎縣).

7세기 초 신라의 對隋 군사외교에 대한 재검토 : 圓光 乞師表의 사실성 검증을 중심으로

윤경진(Yoon, Kyeong Jin) 동국역사문화연구소 2021 동국사학 Vol.71 No.-

이 논문은 圓光의 乞師表 사적이 후대에 가공된 것이며, 신라의 對隋 請兵 또한 실재하지 않았음을 확인한 것이다. 이는 걸사표를 출발점으로 하는 7세기 신라의 대중국 군사외교에 대한 전면적 재검토의 첫걸음이 된다. 신라의 대수 청병은 『隋書』에는 보이지 않으며, 당시 고구려와 신라의 관계도 청병을 필요로 하는 상황이 아니었다. 원광의 걸사표는 본래 그의 儒學 이해를 보여주기 위해 對唐 청병과 强首의 사적을 모티브로 가공한 것이며, 그의 활동 시기에 맞추어 對隋 청병으로 정리되었다. 그 원전인 신라의 『殊異傳』은 고려에서 金陟明, 朴寅亮 등에 의해 改作 내지 潤 文되었으며, 이 과정에서 불교 계율보다 국가를 우선하는 그의 답변 내용이 생성되어 추가되었다. 『삼국사기』는 백제의 청병 사적에 맞추어 청병과 수 양제의 허락을 608년과 611년에 나누어 넣었는데, 608년은 607년의 편집 오류로 파악된다. Confirmed in this article is the fact that the story of “Weon’ gwang(圓光)’s Geolsa-pyo(乞師表, the Appeal for a Military Relief)” is actually a false one, fabricated during later periods, and that Shilla never asked the Chinese Su(隋) dynasty for military troops and aid. This new confirmation requires us to reexamine the Shilla dynasty’s history of military diplomacy with the Chinese dynasties in the early 7th century, which has been believed to have initiated with Shilla’s said ask for a Chinese military relief. The supposed fact of Shilla asking the Su dynasty to dispatch military troops cannot be found from Suseo(隋書, The Official History of the Su Dynasty), and considering the relationship between Goguryeo and Shilla at the time, it does not seem likely that Shilla was in need of a foreign military aid. The story of Weon’gwang’s Geolsa-pyo appeal was apparently modeled after the story of Gang Su(强首) who had earlier asked troops from the Chinese Dang(唐) dynasty, and set during his lifetime, in an effort to emphasize Weon’gwang’s expertise in Confucianism. The original text, Shilla’s Su’i-jeon(殊異傳), was rewritten(or supplemented) by Kim Cheok-myeong(金陟明) and Park In-ryang(朴寅亮) during the Goryeo period, and in the process Weon’gwang’s “response” -of a nature prioritizing the state’s welfare than Buddhist teachings- was newly created, and added to the original text. Then, based on this fabricated story, Samguk Sagi documented Shilla’s supposed request for troops as well as Su Emperor Yangje’s authorization of dispatching them, in the entries(years) of 608 and 611 respectively, of which the former seems to be an error of 607.

羅唐戰爭 終戰期 전황의 새로운 이해

윤경진(Yoon, Kyeong-Jin) 국방부 군사편찬연구소 2017 군사 Vol.- No.104

The study of this article is the analysis on the several major battles fought between the troops of Shilla and Dang troops, based upon a new suggestion that the war itself was ended in the year of 675 with the battle at the Maecho-seong(買肖城) fortress. At the time, there were two types of battles: battles in which the Dang forces tried to obtain coastal areas for future skirmishes, and battles which were fought along Shilla’s northern borders. Battles at Chiljung-seong(七重城), Maesocheon-seong(買蘇川城), Cheon-seong(泉城) and Seokhyeon-seong(石峴城) fortresses seem to have belonged to the former type, while battles at Adal-seong(阿達城), Jeokmok-seong(赤木城) and Dorim-seong(道臨城) fortresses could be categorized as cases of the latter. In the meantime, the story of the Gibeol-po (伎伐浦) battle seems to have been established as a composite, concocted from the tale of the Wungjin Dodok-bu(熊津都督府) dismantlement, as well as the story of Dang general Seol In-gwi(薛仁貴).

知康州事 王逢規와 高麗 太祖 王建

윤경진(Yoon, Kyeong Jin) 역사실학회 2018 역사와실학 Vol.66 No.-

이 연구는 신라말 현 진주 지역에 기반을 둔 해상세력으로 이해되었던 王逢規가 실제로는 高麗 太祖 王建임을 논한 것이다. 이는 927년 왕봉규가 보낸 사신 林彦이 같은 해 고려에서 보낸 사신과 동일인이라는 데 기초한다. 그가 소속을 바꾸어 한 해에 두 차례 사신으로 간다는 것은 현실성이 없으므로 파견주체도 동일인으로 보아야 한다. 왕봉규의 직함인 泉州節度使와 知康州事는 自稱이 아니라 중국 왕조에서 수여한 것이며, 직함의 천주와 강주 또한 중국 지명이다. 당시 신라 강주의 상황은 왕봉규의 등장과 소멸을 뒷받침하지 않는다. 왕건은 독립적인 국왕이었지만 외교적으로 신라에 부속된 존재로 간주되었기 때문에 그의 사신은 신라 사신으로 간주되었다. 왕건이 즉위할 때 이름은 逢規였고, 이후 王氏를 칭하다가 後唐에 국왕 책봉을 요청하면서 王建으로 개명하였다. Pursued in this study is the possibility that a historical figure named Wang Bong-gyu(王逢規), a leader of a maritime faction with a base established in today’s Jinju area at the end of the Unified Shilla period, was actually Wang Geon(王建), the founder king of the Goryeo dynasty himself. This hypothesis is based upon the fact that emissary Im Eon(林彦), who was dispatched by Wang Bong-gyu in 927, was actually the same person who was dispatched by the Goryeo government the very same year. It would not have been possible for him to change sides in the course of a single year, and be dispatched in the same capacity twice in that year, so it would be more than natural to assume that he was only sent once, and also by a same entity. Wang Bong-gyu’s official titles, which were Magistrate of Cheonju(泉州節度使) and Prefect of Gangju(知康州事), were not named by himself arbitrarily but were officially bestowed from the Chinese government. Regions in the titles are also Chinese. There was in fact a Gangju area in Shilla (on the Korean peninsula) as well, but the situation of the Shilla Gangju area does not seem to correspond with the emergence of Wang Bong-gyu as well as his fall. Meanwhile, Wang Geon was the king of Goryeo, an independent country, but was also considered as part of Shilla (at least up until that point), so the emissary he sent to China was also considered and described as a ‘Shilla emissary’ by the Chinese. Wang Geon’s birth name seems to have been Bong-gyu(逢規) even at the time of his enthronement, and later after assuming the last name Wang(王氏) he finally changed his name to Wang Geon(王建) when he formally requested China’s(in this case Hu-Dang/後唐’s) recognition of his enthronement.

신라 흥덕왕대(興德王代)체제 정비와 金庾信 추봉(追封) -삼한일통의식(三韓一統意識)출현의 일 배경-

윤경진 ( Kyeong Jin Yoon ) 수선사학회 2015 史林 Vol.0 No.52

Examined in this study is what kind of governmental institutions were revised and how they were changed during the reign of King Heungdeok-wang, as well as why Kim Yu Shin was posthumously entitled as the “Great Heungmu King(興武大王)” at the time, as these events could have served as a platform which bred the future notion of “the Three Han entities had been one all along(三韓一統意識)” in the mid-9th century inside the Shilla society. The insurrection of Kim Heon Chang(金憲昌) and his son seriously disrupted the stability of the Shilla society, and caused a crisis of a dynastic scale. After the insurrection was subdued, king Heungdeok-wang newly established more local military installations to prevent such incident from happening again, and tried to appease the public himself. In the meantime, with the intention of reinforcing the Golpum structure(骨品制) of the society, he initiated institutional revisions as well. And as a symbolic gesture, he decided to honor Kim Yu Shin with a posthumous title, trying to build an atmosphere in which all Shilla could unite. The time of entitlement is presumed to have been the 9th year of king Heungdeok-wang’s reign, when a series of institutional revisions were simultaneously being launched. In his biographical record[行錄], authored in the early days of the Hadae(下代) period, Kim Yu Shin was described as the hero of the Unification war, who literally led the unification, and also as a symbol of dynastic unity. A posthumous title was intended to use his such image in actually bringing the country together. And such decision could have created an environment in which people would remember the unification process and form a belief that would grow in the minds of future generations that the three countries were meant to eventually become one.

신라말 고려초 京山府 연혁과 碧珍郡

윤경진(Yoon, Kyeong Jin) 한국외국어대학교 역사문화연구소 2018 역사문화연구 Vol.66 No.-

이 글은 京山府의 연혁을 분석하고 碧珍郡과의 관계를 추적한 것이다. 벽진군은 경산부 연혁에 들어 있지만, 본래 경산부는 星山郡에 설정되었고 벽진군은 본래 新安縣에 있던 성읍이었다. 각각에는 良文과 李悤言이라는 성주가 있었다. 경산부 城主로 나오는 李能一은 이총언의 아들 李永으로 파악된다. 고려가 신라 방면을 경략하는 과정에서 경산부의 중심이 성산군에서 벽진군으로 이동하였다. 낙동강 동쪽에 있는 성산군은 신라 왕경의 방어에 중요했지만, 고려에게는 서쪽에 있는 벽진군의 전략적 가치가 높았기 때문이다. 태조 23년 군현 획정과 함께 벽진성이 있던 신안현이 경산부의 연혁을 흡수하였고, 성산군은 加利縣으로 분리되었다. 경산부는 성산군의 읍호도 차용하여 후일 星州牧이 되었다. 󰡔고려사󰡕 지리지의 태조 23년 연혁 자료는 신라 9주5경과 나말려초 새로 대두한 중심지에 대해 선행 연혁을 정리한 것으로서 여기에 경산부도 포함되었다. 일부 지역은 해당 지역의 신라말 연혁으로 파악되는 내용을 주기하였는데, 춘주 연혁에 光海州가 들어간 것은 이에 근거한 것이다. 경산부도 그러한 사례로서 선행 읍호로 신안현을 제시하면서 벽진군을 주기하였고, 󰡔고려사』 지리지는 이에 근거하여 신안현에서 벽진군을 거쳐 경산부로 개정된 것으로 정리하였다. Examined in this article is the history of Gyeongsan-bu(京山府), and its relationship with Byeokjin-gun(碧珍郡). Although Byeokjin-gun was recorded as part of Gyeongsan-bu’s early history, the two were actually different, as Gyeongsan-bu was originally established upon Seongsan-gun(星山郡), while Byeokjin-gun was a ‘seong’eub’ county at Shinan-hyeon(新安縣). Both areas were governed by Seongju leaders named Yangmun(良文) and Yi Chong’eon(李悤言) respectively, and an officer at Gyeongsan-bu[京山府將軍] is known to have been Yi Yeong(李永), who was the son of Yi Neung-il(李能一). When Goryeo was annexing parts of Shilla, the center of Gyeongsan-bu moved from Seongsan-gun to Byeokjin-gun. When all the Gun and Hyeon units were established, Gyeongsan-bu’s early history was recorded with the history of Shinan-hyeon, and Seongsan-gun was detached from it under the name of Gari-hyeon(加利縣). But then, Gyeongsan-bu also embraced the title of Seongsan-gun, and later became Seongju-mok(星州牧). According to the records of the 23rd year of king Taejo, Shinan-hyeon was recorded as the predecessor to Gyeongsan-bu, and Byeokjin-gun was included in the annotation. Meanwhile, the Geography section of Goryeosa recorded that Shinan-hyeon was later transformed to Byeokjin-gun.