조선 선조대 남북 분당과 내암 정인홍

우인수(Woo, In Soo) 부산경남사학회 2011 역사와 경계 Vol.81 No.-

남북분당의 과정을 남북 갈등의 조짐, 갈등의 심화로 인한 분당, 대립의 고착이라는 세 단계를 설정하여 각 단계별로 분석하면서 파악하였다. 남북분당기에 발생한 사안에 관한 서로 다른 견해에 대해 그 의미를 검토하고 음미하는 방법을 통해 남북분당 과정을 재구성하면서 종합하는데 의미를 두었다. 특히 단계별 남북분당의 과정에서 보인 정인홍의 역할에 주목하여 이를 통해 그의 영향과 위상을 드러내고자 하였다. 먼저 동인 내부의 남북 갈등의 조짐이 있었던 시기는 선조 13년으로부터 선조 22년 기축옥사가 일어나기 전까지의 기간으로 설정하였다. 이 시기 갈등의 조짐이 된 사건들에는 여러 사람이 상호 복잡하게 얽혀 있었다. 이발과 우성전, 정인홍과 우성전, 이경중과 정여립, 정인홍과 이경중을 둘러싼 여러 가지 갈등이 그러한 예였다. 하지만 이러한 갈등은 분당으로까지 치달을 정도로 심각한 단계는 아니었다고 생각된다. 이 시기의 정인홍도 다소 경직된 면은 있었지만 공무를 강직하게 수행한다는 차원에서 이해될 수 있는 활동을 한 시기로 볼 수 있다. 선조 22년의 기축옥사는 동인을 남북으로 분당시키는 지경으로까지 치닫게 하였다. 정여립의 모역사건을 계기로 만연된 옥사는 동인과 서인 뿐아니라 선조까지 깊숙이 개입하면서 후일 북인으로 분류되는 많은 사람들이 억울하게 처형되는 참혹한 화로 확산되었다. 이 과정에서 화를 주로 입은 측의 인사들은 옥사를 만연한 상대당인 서인은 물론이거니와 이를 적극적으로 구원하지 않고 관망하는 자세를 보였던 같은 동인의 일부에 대해서도 점차 반감을 가지게 되었다. 정인홍과 류성룡, 이산해와 류성룡, 이경전과 정경세 간의 갈등으로 심화되면서 동인이 결국 남인과 북인으로 나뉘게 되었다. 임진왜란이 거의 극복되어갈 무렵인 선조 31년 북인들이 대대적으로 남인의 우두머리 영의정 류성룡을 집중 공격하여 실각시키면서 대립 양상은 절정에 달하게 되었다. 북인들은 명에 보내는 변무 사행에 류성룡이 자청하지 않은 점을 거론하여 체직을 시킨 다음 남북분당의 책임, 임난 때의 주화론 주창 등의 책임을 집중 공격하여 관작을 삭탈케 하는데 성공하였다. 그 외의 남인 인사들이 함께 조정에서 몰려났음은 물론이었으며, 임난 중 의병 활동을 하다가 과로사한 우성전의 관작까지 삭탈시켰다. 정인홍은 이러한 남인의 공격에 직접 나서거나 또는 문인을 통하여 공격하는 간접적인 방법으로 일익을 담당하였다. I analyze the process of the split between Namin and Bukin party in three phases: signs of the conflict between Namin and Bukin party, party split caused by increased conflict, and settlement of opposition. I value to reconstruct the process of the split party by investigating the issues occurred during the period of the split. Special attention is given to Jeong, In-Hong’s role throughout the stages of the split. First, I define the period which shows the signs of the conflict between Namin and Bukin as King Seonjo’s thirteenth year to twenty-second year. I analyze the various conflicts between Lee, Bal and Woo, Sung-Jeon, Jeong, In-Hong and Woo, Sung-Jeon, Lee, Kyung-Jung and Chung, Yeo-Rip, and Jeong, In-Hong and Lee, Kyung-Jung. During this period, Jeong, In-Hong performs his official duties with integrity although he has the tendency to be a bit inflexible. The conspiracy to treason in the King Seonjo’s twenty-second year resulted in the party split in Dongin party. The incident spread by Chung, Yeo-Rip’s treason sacrifice the many innocent people of the Bukin party. In this process, the most victimized Bukin party gradually begins to feel hostile towards some Dongin party who takes a wait-and-see attitude, not to mention Seoin party who are the main reason of the spread of the incident. After all, Dongin party is divided into Namin and Bukin party after the deepened conflicts between Jeong, In-Hong and Ryu, Sung-Ryong, Lee, San-Hae and Ryu, Sung-Ryong, and Lee, Kyung-Jeon and Chung, Kyung-Se. In the last stages of Japanese Invasion of Korea in King Seonjo’s thirty-first year, the sentiments of opposition reach an extreme when Bukin party extensively overthrows the prime minister Ryu, Sung-Ryong, the head of Namin party. Bukin party succeeds in removing Ryu, Sung-Ryong from the government by intensively bashing Ryu’s responsibilities of Pacifism during the Japanese Invasion and the party split between Namin and Bukin party. Naturally, Namin party is expelled from the Court as well. Jeong, In-Hong plays an important role in attacking Namin party by directly involving himself or by indirectly attacking through disciples. The Party Split between Namin and Bukin party is established by undergoing above process. And Jeong, In-Hong is the key force in the course, which proves his historical status in the split.

자암(紫巖) 이민환의 문학세계(文學世界) 자암(紫巖) 이민환의 시대와 그의 현실대응

우인수 ( In Soo Woo ) 동방한문학회 2008 東方漢文學 Vol.0 No.34

This study is about Lee Min-hwan who represented Nam-in(Southern faction) officialdom in Youngnam district during first half of 17 century. Studying this person would be helpful to understand the counterplan and attitude that Nam-in(Southern faction) preferred. His family had resided in Youngcheon(永川) for generation, having surname Lee stemmed from the area. But they moved to Eusung(義城) through Kunwi(軍威), where his family got settled and made foundation during early Joseon dynasty. His clan became noble lineage representing Eusung district by producing five successful candidates of the civil service in three generations. Lee Min-hwan was taught by Kim Sung-il, Lyu Sung-lyong who were the best pupils of Lee Hwang. Particularly affected from Jang Hyun-kwang, he became the central figure of Lee Hwang`s doctrinal faction in Youngnam district in his middle age, In this study, his life was divided into three stages; period of going into governmental office, the time of hardship and the rehabilitation. When he became a government official, Buk-in(Northern faction), which was opposite to the faction of him, was in power. So he could worked in a main official section at first, but he hadn`t have enough chance to be a focal figure because of struggles between Buk-in and Nam-in. He participated troops of reinforcement required from Ming(明), as a Jongsakyan(從事官) to attack ascending Whogeum(後金). But he had hardship being captured by Whogeum, and the hardship didn`t end when he returned to Joseon because of surrendered military force. Undergoing JeongMyo Horan(丁卯胡亂) and Beongja Horan(丙子胡亂), he could be reinstated and finished his last life working as a government official. His counterplan and attitude toward reality could be understood by studying his cognizance of national administration and his working in country districts. He, first, contributed to maintain the nobility`s power in managing the country districts. In this article, I used three methods to understand his recognition and concern about national administration; military affair and defence, prosperity of people, education and sellection of official Because these methods stemmed from his experience, they are full of actuality and containing pioneering points of view. Analyzing Lee Min-hwan`s life as a government official and by a number of reform bills he suggested is meaningful for clarifying the cognizance and attitude that Nam-in(Southern faction), in Youngnam district, preferred during 17th century.

갈천 임훈 첨모당 임운의 사상과 문학 - 갈천과 첨모당의 역사적 위상

우인수(In Soo Woo) 동방한문학회 2002 東方漢文學 Vol.0 No.22

N/A

『묘충록(묘忠錄)』을 통해 본 한주(寒州) 이진상(李震相)의 국정개혁론(國政改革論)

우인수 ( In Soo Woo ) 경북대학교 퇴계학연구소 2006 퇴계학과 유교문화 Vol.38 No.-

寒洲 李震相의 現實認識과 經世論

우인수(Woo, In-soo) 계명대학교 한국학연구원 2015 한국학논집 Vol.0 No.60

제 7차 교육과정 高等學校 國史敎科書의 내용 분석

禹仁秀(Woo In-Soo) 역사교육연구회 2002 歷史敎育 Vol.84 No.-

This study analyzed the content of high school Korean history textbook based on the 7th school curriculum. This new textbook has some distinctive features different from the former textbook. One of the characteristic feature of this new textbook is to make space for deepening study for higher level students. Second, this new textbook is sorted by a historical classification system into four parts ; a political history, an economic history, a social history and a cultural history. Third, this new textbook draw attention visually through many colorful pictures, maps, grapes, chronological tables of Korean history and so on. Especially it is helpful in giving plentiful explanatory notes in the margin and inserting the original material for a full understanding. Last, this new textbook is written in a very polish and clear style, so it is helpful for learners to understand the historical facts well. However, this new textbook has some demerits. First, this new textbook is not helpful in developing learner"s ability to think historically. Second, a period - classified expression for the late period of Chosun dynasty is indistinct in this new textbook, for we don"t use the term of the modem history for the late period of Chosun dynasty obviously. When the former textbook covered the whole period from the ancient history to the modem history, it didn"t become an issue. But this new textbook covers up to premodern history, it becomes an issue. Third, the structure of this new textbook is a little poor because of inserting the modern history under the pressure of the critical public opinion. As a result, the new textbook make the explanation of the modern history short and rough, so it is inappropriate with the explanation of the rest period of the book. In conclusion, I would like the Korean history course to be a required subject and to take up more school hours in the school curriculum. And also we need many persuasive papers to realize the necessity of the teaching history.

18세기 중엽 사근도(沙斤道) 역인(驛人)의 호구(戶口) 구성과 실태 - 『사근도(沙斤道) 형지안(形止案)』 의 분석을 중심으로 -

우인수 ( Woo In-soo ) 한국고문서학회 2017 古文書硏究 Vol.51 No.-

본 논문은 새롭게 발견된 18세기 중엽인 1747년(영조 23)의 『사근도 형지안』을 분석하여 역에 속한 역인의 구성과 실태를 살핀 글이다. 『사근도 형지안』은 현존하는 4개의 역도 형지안 중의 하나라는 점에서 의미가 있고, 전체가 완전하게 남아있는 형지안이어서 그 의미가 더욱 크다. 현존하는 김천도와 송라도 형지안과는 비슷한 시기라는 점에서, 자여도 형지안과는 비슷한 지역이라는 점에서 좋은 비교 대상이 된다는 점도 자료가 가지는 큰 장점이다. 『사근도 형지안』은 소속 15개 역별로 작성되어 있는데, 사근역의 경우가 규모가 가장 커서 역인의 수가800명을 넘었고, 그 아래에 500명대의 안간역, 400명대의 유린역, 300명대의 정수역의 순이었다. 그 아래 100명대의 역이 5개역, 100명 이하의 역이 6개역이었다. 15개 역의 역인 총수는 3,468명이었다. 여기에 보인 460명을 더할 경우 3,928명이었다. 보인을 제외할 경우 자여도의 경우와 거의 비슷한 규모였다. 각 역의 역인은 호로 묶여 파악되고 있었다. 이때의 호는 역인 파악의 편의를 도모하기 위해 혈연에 기초하여 만든 호였다. 사근역의 경우 165개 호 가운데 40개 호의 호수가 사망자이거나 도망자였으며, 도망자중에는 100세가 넘는 자도 3명이나 있었다. 그리고 역인 중 다수를 차지하고 있는 역리의 경우 직접 역을 지지 않는 여성인 역녀가 기재 대상에서 아예 제외되어 있었다. 따라서 호를 통한 가족의 여러 가지 상황파악에는 근본적인 한계가 있다. 결국 형지안 작성의 주된 관심은 驛役을 지는 정확한 역인의 실태 파악에 있었다. 이 점을 고려하여 역인의 특징을 밝히는 데 집중하였다. 역리의 역별 구성과 규모, 연령대 및 연령별 분석의 특징을 추출할 수 있었다. 특히 역노비의 경우는 남녀가 모두 기재되어 있는 자료의 특성상 역리의 경우보다 더 다양한 분석이 가능하였다. 성비의 분석, 출자별 분석, 혼인의 양태 등이 그것이다. 나아가 분석의 결과를 김천도, 송라도, 자여도의 경우와 비교 분석함으로써 사근도의 특징을 더욱 드러낼 수 있다. 역에서 차지하는 비중이 점차 줄어들고 있는 일수와 보인의 모습과 실태도 확인하였다. This study set out to analyze the Census Register of Sageundo Stations, which is newly discovered material that was written in 1747 (the 23rd year of King Yeongjo`s reign) in the mid-18th century, and examine the composition and reality of station workers. The Census Register of Sageundo Stations holds its significance as one of the four remaining census registers of stations and even greater importance as the only census register with all of its contents kept intact. It also has a huge advantage of being a good object of comparison as it addresses a similar period to the census registers of Kimcheondo and Songrado and covers a similar area to the census register of Jayeodo. The Census Register of Sageundo Stations contains the data of 15 stations within the jurisdiction. Of the stations, Sageun Station was the biggest and had over 800 station workers, followed by Angan Station with about 500 stations workers, Yurin Station with about 400 station workers, and Jeongsu Station with about 300 station workers in that order. There were five stations with approximately 100 station workers and six stations with fewer than 100 station workers. The total number of station workers at the 15 stations was 3,468. Their workforce reached 3,928 when 460 carriers were added to them. Sageundo was a similar size to Jayeodo when the carriers were not included. The stations` workers at each station were surveyed in terms of household. There were 165 households within the jurisdiction of Sageun Station, and the head was dead or escaped in 40 of them. There were even three people that were 100 years old or older among the escapees. Accounting to the majority of station workers, the official clerks had Yeokneyo, which refers to women charged with no direct duty of Yeok, excluded from their census registers. These findings indicate that there are fundamental limitations figuring out various situations involving families based on households. The major concern of the census register was to examine the actual conditions of station workers charged with the duty of station Yeok accurately. Taking that into consideration, the present study focused on shedding light on the characteristics of station workers and identified the composition and size of official clerks by the stations and the characteristics of analysis by age groups. A more diverse analysis of station servants was more possible than official clerks at the station since the material contained the data of both male and female station servants. They include analysis by gender, birth condition, and marital status. Furthermore, the analysis results of Sageundo was compared and analyzed with those of Gimcheondo, Songrado, and Jayeodo to make its characteristics more prominent. The importance of errand boys and carriers gradually decreased at the station, whose binding force over them weakened. These situations were explained in comparison to the reality of the times.

BPA 공장의 메탄올 분리공정에서 위험성 평가 및 안전대책

우인성(In-Sung Woo),이중희(Joong-Hee Lee),이인복(In-Bok Lee),천영우(Young-Woo Chon),박희철(Hee-Chul Park),황성민(Seong-Min Hwang),김태옥(Tae-Ok Kim) 한국가스학회 2012 한국가스학회지 Vol.16 No.3

BPA 공장의 메탄올 분리공정에서 HAZOP 평가를 실시하고, 사고 시나리오로부터 화재 및 폭발 사고의 피해범위를 예측하였다. 그 결과, 화재사고의 피해범위는 50 mm 직경의 안전밸브 토출배관 파열에 의한 제트화재에서는 20 m이었고, 설비가 전파되어 플래쉬화재가 발생되는 경우에는 267 m이었다. 또한 개방공간 증기운 폭발사고의 피해범위는 토출배관 파열에서는 22 m이었고, 설비 전파인 경우에는 542 m이었다. 그리고 최악의 누출 시나리오에 대한 안전대책으로는 메탄올 분리컬럼 내부의 이상압력 상승을 감지할 수 있는 압력계를 2 out of 3 voting으로 설비 상부에 설치하여 주공급라인 상에 설치된 컨트롤밸브와 긴급차단밸브를 동시에 차단할 수 있도록 하여야 한다. For a methanol separation column of the BPA (Bisphenol A) plant, HAZOP (hazard and operability) assessment was performed and damage ranges were predicted from the accident scenarios for the fire and the explosion. As a result, the damage range of the jet fire was 20 m in the case of rupture of the discharge pipe (50 mm diameter) of safety valve, and that of the flash fire was 267 m in the case of catastrophic rupture. Also, the damage ranges of the unconfined vapor cloud explosion (UVCE) for the rupture of the discharge pipe and for the catastrophic rupture were 22 m and 542 m, respectively. For the worst case of release scenarios, safety measures were suggested as follows: the pressure instruments, which can detect abnormal rise of the internal pressure in the methanol separation column, should be installed by the 2 out of 3 voting method in the top section of the column. Through the detection, the instuments should simultaneously shut down the control and the emergency shut-off valves.

인조대 산림 장현광의 정치적 활동과 위상

우인수(Woo, In-Soo) 계명대학교 한국학연구원 2013 한국학논집 Vol.0 No.52

19세기초 自如道 驛人의 구성과 그 실태

禹仁秀(Woo In-soo) 역사학회 2009 역사학보 Vol.0 No.201

This thesis research on Census register of Jayeudo(自如道) stations, which was discovered quite lately. Census register of Jayeudo stations was framed in 1804 and discovered after Kimcheondo(金泉道) and Songrado(松羅道) were found out. It was pretty useful to study a state and organization of single station district thanks to its absolutely good preservation without any defect. This thesis is quite meaningful to analyze station district and introduce it to the academic world for the first time. Jayeudo stations, one of 11 station district in Kyeongsang(慶尙) province, had competence over a subordinate office of Kyeongsang province area nearby Kimhea(金海) and Changwon(昌原). And it was about 15 stations including Jayeudo station, the major one. The scale of station was various. For example, while about 2,000 station workers served in major station, there were only 300 workers or even 50 worked in substitute station. Here, I'll introduce some facts found out from studying Census register. Structure and organization of early 19th century's all Jayeudo station workers could be revealed from the study. Classifying them into official clerks of station, servants and Ilsu(日守), here's some brief explanation for each. Official clerks of station, part of the station workers, were classified into regular clerks of station(元驛吏) and irregular clerks of station(流驛吏). There were 3,415 in total and regular clerks of station were 2,519 which is about 73.80% while irregular clerks of station were 896, 26.2%. The fact that there was discrimination between regular clerks of station and irregular clerks of station seems to prove that some needs to distinguish official clerks of station between themselves were raised, And researching surnames of official clerks, I could find out there were two or single major family names in each station, It seems this feature stems from their characteristics, aboriginal inhabitation and heredity of their jobs. A residential district of station clerks tended to be close to where their workplace, a station, was located. And their age, between grownups and young people, showed a ratio of 55 to 45. After adjusting for age, I could find out that they, purposely, reported their age younger than real trying to postpone a burden of obligations, which belongs to their offsprings. The population of station servants between station workers was quite small. In Jayeudo stations, the major one, there were only 146 servants and usually there were none in substitute stations. The proportion of males to females in Jayeudo station was in the ratio of 6 to 4. According to research about social status of parents of station servants, a source of their supply were mostly in case their maternal line were female servants, Also, based on lots of cases, I could find out that most of the female servants married to commoners, which means marriages between two individuals from different social position were kinds of common affairs at that time. The population of Ilsu was small, just same as station servants. Except 36 people who belongs to Jayedo station, the major one, there was almost no one in substitute stations. And unlike station servants, not any certain people from same family name were majority. It seems they were employed rather than being transmitted by heredity.