15세기 관형형어미 ㄹ 결합형의 출현 배경에 대한 검토

김정인 ( Kim Jung-in ) 한말연구학회 2024 한말연구 Vol.65 No.16

During the creation of Hunminjeongeum in 15th-century Korea, two writing forms emerged that combined the adnominal ending -l with its following constituent, necessitating an investigation into their relationship. When a constituent with strong combination constraints is followed by the former adnominal ending -ls, the initial sound of the following constituent of ㄽ is reconstructed, resulting in the formation of '-l+S-Habyongbyeongseo(doubled consonant letters starting with s)'. Meanwhile, the -l from -ls and the initial sound of the following constituent are newly analyzed as fortis [s͈]. This is because the morphological awareness of -ls is weakened due to competition with other adnominal endings like -n and -ls. The analysis and subsequent analogy led to a change to fortis [s͈] when the initial sound of the following constituent was a plosive. Korean language users with a transparent inherent grammar of [ʔ] had two options. If the following constituent was used independently, they chose -lʔ for the adnominal ending. However, even though they had a transparent inherent grammar of [ʔ], if the following constituent was restricted by its preceding constituent, users had to choose '-l+Gakjabyeongseo(doubled consonant letters)' forms. Consequently, there was no phonological relationship between these two forms of adnominal endings and their following constituent combinations.

3.1운동 사례를 통해 본 역사 교과서의 시각과 구성에서의 변화 가능성 모색

김정인 ( Kim Jeongin ) 수선사학회 2021 史林 Vol.- No.78

This article proposes to try new compositions as well as alternative viewpoints in history education. Such proposition is based on the author’s own personal experiences in engaging not only historical studies but various educational activities. And in making this very point, the issue of how the March 1^st Movement has been depicted and described in History textbooks seems to be particularly useful. The history of certain events have always been depicted in History textbooks through description of certain elements: background, how it unfolded, and what kind of influence or legacy it left. This is a chronological approach to the event in question, based on a perspective or framework considering causes and result to be very important. The March 1^st Movement is a definitive example of such approach, and as it bear the honor of being a monumental cornerstone in the Korean people’s national efforts for liberation in the 20^th century’s early half, the event itself was most of the time written with a Nationalistic tone. The Movement’s distinctive image and nature of the narrative in the textbooks’ description of the event has remained relatively the same since the government’s First Education plan. Unfortunately, due to repeated description of the March 1^st Movement in this fashion, it is becoming increasingly difficult to break free from such mold, and as a result a rather fixed version of the Movement has been established, while recent academic accomplishments on the event have been constantly ignored. Moreover, certain factual errors concerning how the Movement actually unfolded remain virtually uncorrected, while an ever-growing Nationalist viewpoint emphasizing the Movement’s meaning in world history refuses to embrace new facts and interpretations produced by the community of historians. As a result, discrepancies between the image of the March 1^st Movement in History textbooks, and details of the movement uncovered by historical researches, just continue to build. We should endeavor to escape such Nationalistic point of view, as well as the aforementioned ‘causal’ framework, and indulge ourselves in democratic viewpoints accompanied by thematic approaches, as such effort will lead us to analyze and interpret the March 1^st Movement from fresh new angles. In that case, a number of new ways to teach this historical event to the students, based on new factual details and proper interpretations, will surface in the future.

텍스트마이닝을 이용한 도시열섬 및 도시미기후 분야 연구동향 분석

김정인(Kim, Jeongin),이건원(Lee, Gunwon) 한국생태환경건축학회 2023 한국생태환경건축학회 학술발표대회 논문집 Vol.23 No.2

창업교육 서비스 품질이 자기효능감, 기대성취 및 교육만족도에 미치는 영향

김정인(Jeongin-Kim),주명규(Joo, Myoung-Kyu),이일한(Il-Han Lee) 한국벤처창업학회 2012 한국벤처창업학회 학술대회 Vol.2012 No.8

탄소포인트제 확장방안과 효과분석

김정인 ( Jeong In Kim ),김건우 ( Kun Woo Kim ) 한국환경연구원 2021 環境政策 Vol.29 No.4

국가 탄소 감축 달성에서 시민의 온실가스 저감 활동을 유인하는 탄소포인트제의 발전방안 도출을 위해 지난 5년간의 제도 운영성과를 실증적으로 분석하였다. 분석결과는 첫째, 온실가스 감축과 인센티브 지급액 간의 상관성이 모호하여, 국고보조금 예산 확보에 대한 논리가 취약하였다. 둘째, 개인의 탄소 감축 질적인 측면의 감축 성과와 측정 외에도 친환경 생활에 대한 인식 개선 등 정성적인 노력에 대한 평가방안을 마련할 필요가 있음을 확인하였다. 마지막으로, 기존 데이터 수집체계는 가정 단위로 이루어지고 있어, 다양한 민·관 네트워크와의 협력에는 개인 단위 데이터 연계가 어렵다는 점이다. 기존의 가정내 전기,가스,물이외에 폐기물 감축도 연계한 다양한 감축의 제도 확장을 위해 표준지급 포인트를 계산하면서 필요한 예산도 제시하였다. 예컨대 음식물 쓰레기 처리 RFID 시스템을 개인이나 아파트 단지로 연계하는 방안도 탄소포인트제로 확장이 가능할 것이다. 수퍼빈, 아름다운가게 같은 민관기관은 개인정보를 가지고 인센티브도 제공함으로 개인정보를 갖춘 사업과 연계 또는 별도 시스템 구축을 한다면 개인 탄소포인트 제공도 가능하며 기존의 그린카드와 연계시에는 더욱 효과적일 것이다. The study conducted an empirical analysis of the system's operating performance over the past five years to devise a development plan for the carbon point system that enhance citizens' greenhouse gas reduction activities toward achieving national carbon neutrality. The analysis reveals that the correlation between greenhouse gas reduction and incentive payments was ambiguous and that the justification for securing the government direct subsidy was poor. Second, in addition to measuring the reduction performance in terms of individual quality, it was confirmed that an evaluation plan for qualitative efforts such as improving awareness of eco-friendly living was necessary. Lastly, since the existing data collection system is based on a household unit, connecting with individual data is difficult when cooperating with various public-private networks. As a result, prior to expanding the system to various reduction areas, it is necessary to establish a separate managing system or utilize currenttly using system.

일본 공무원 정년 후 재임용제도(再任用制度) 연구: 조직정당성 관점에서

김정인 ( Kim Jungin ) 한국행정학회 2021 韓國行政學報 Vol.55 No.1

한국의 공직사회에도 급속한 고령화의 그늘이 드리우기 시작했다. 무엇보다 2022년부터 본격화 될 ‘공무원연금 지급연령 상향에 따른 공무원연금 수급 불일치 문제를 어떻게 해결할 것인가?’에 대한 논의가 시급한 상황이다. 본 연구에서는 이에 대한 답을 찾기 위해 한국보다 먼저 해당 문제를 경험한 일본의 공무원 정년 후 재임용제도에 대해 살펴보았다. 조직정당성 관점에서 2001년부터 시행되어 온 일본의 공무원 정년 후 재임용제도의 도입 및 운영 과정을 분석한 것이다. 그 결과 해당 제도는 20여년의 시간동안 점차적이고 순차적으로 도입되었으며, 정년퇴직공무원과 현직공무원의 수요를 충분히 반영하여 운영되고 있음을 알 수 있었다. 또한 공무원 정년 후 재임용제도가 아마쿠다리(天下り)라는 관료부패를 해결할 수 있는 정책수단으로 간주되는 등 일반 국민들의 순응도 확보하고 있음을 알 수 있었다. 본 연구의 결과는 고령화와 공무원 연금문제를 동시에 경험하고 있는 한국의 공무원 사회에 실천적으로 적용을 고려해 볼 수 있는 중요한 함의점을 제공할 수 있을 것이다. How will the Korean public service solve the problem of inconsistency in the supply and demand of public officials due to the rapidly increasing numbers of retiring public officials and the increase in the payment age for public officials from 2022? To find an answer to this, our study analyzed the re-appointment system of Japanese public officials who had similar experiences before Korea reached this point. From the perspective of organizational legitimacy, the process of introducing and operating the re-employment system of the Japanese public service, which has been in place since 2001, was examined. The results reveal that the re-appointment system of Japanese public officials has been gradually and sequentially carried out for a long period of 20 years, has been operated by sufficiently reflecting the demand to replace retired and incumbent public officials, and is regarded as a policy tool to resolve bureaucratic corruption called Amakudari. The system has secured the compliance of the general public. Our study may have practical implications for the Korean civil service, which is suffering from an aging workforce and the public service pension problem.

근대 한국 민주주의 문화의 전통 수립과 특질

김정인(Kim, Jeong-in) 한국역사연구회 2013 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.87

In this article, reconstruction of the historical nature of the Korean modern democracy will be attempted. But it will not view democracy as something foreign that was transplanted upon Korean soil. Democracy will be analyzed as a network of values, convictions, and action. It will be perceived as a culture. Democratic values supporting horizontal relationships among people, such as freedom, equality and independence, replaced traditional Confucian values which supported vertical relationships, such as loyalty or filial piety. Democratic values prompted not only individuals but also groups and institutions to change, and established themselves as a culture in Korea. First, we shall remember that it was the people who inherited the Korean traditions of democratic nature, and connected them to the democratic reforms. The Dong"hak Peasantry movement, the Gabo-year reform which was a democratic effort performed under a despotic kingdom, the Parliamentary Foundation movement which was staged by the Independence Club and Man"min Gongdong-hwe and strived for a Legal Kingdom and the realization of democracy, and the March 1st movement in 1919 which demanded freedom and equality for the Korean people, and the foundation of the Dae"han Min"guk Provisional Government as a Republic. All the turning points in Korean history of democracy were triggered by the people themselves. Second, the characteristic nature of Korean modern democracy should be examined from two directions. Modern historical studies have concentrated their focus upon nationalism. Instead of maintaining such trend, the concept of "Group Democracy" should be examined. The logic of independence argued by modern nationalism can be interpreted in democratic terms, and judging from that angle, another argument that "freedom and equality for all the Korean people, in other words democracy for all the Korean people, is the same with independence, also works. And another characteristic of the Korean modern democratic culture is that the concept of equality established itself in the Korean history rather quickly, since the appearance of social demands in the 19th century for the abolishment of the social class system, through the Equality argument in the "Dae"han Min"guk Provisional Constitution" in 1919. In the process, discriminative Confucianism lost its ground, and lowborn and female population became part of the people.

환경기술개발사업 사업화 성과 결정요인 분석

김정인(Jeong in Kim),신광근(Kwang keun Shin) 한국환경정책학회 2021 環境政策 Vol.29 No.3

1919년 3월 1일 만세시위, 연대의 힘

金正仁(Kim Jeong-in) 역사교육연구회 2018 歷史敎育 Vol.147 No.-

In 1919, on the first day of March, people poured out to the streets and shouted “Manse!”, which was a call for the liberation of Korea from Japanese occupation. Those shout-outs were staged in total of seven cities in Korea: Seoul, Pyeong’yang, Jinnampo, Annam [of Pyeong’an Nam-do province], Seoncheon, Euiju [of Pyeong’an Buk-do province] and Weonsan [of Hamgyeong Nam-do province]. Interestingly enough, with the exception of Seoul, all of them were located in the northern part of the peninsula. Of course, the shout-outs were not contained in those areas. In the following two weeks these Manse shout-outs spreaded, and in mid-March they began to occur in the middle and southern parts of the country as well. They eventually became sort of a daily event for the Korean people. It is an important question nonetheless that demands an adequate answer regardless of how many years have passed since that fateful day. The pursuit of such answer will hopefully lead us to find a unique quality that the March 1st Movement manifested in abundance, which would be the power of solidarity. Religious solidarity between the Cheondo-gyo sect and the Christians, and the solidarity between religion and the students, all enabled the first wave of shout-outs calling for the liberation of Korea, and led people of an occupied state to the streets and alleys demanding freedom.

인류의 필요충족을 위한 도덕적 책임에 대한 연구

김정인 ( Jeong In Kim ) 한국동서철학회 2002 동서철학연구 Vol.26 No.-