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        朝鮮後期 光山金氏 禮安派의 田畓賣買 實態

        김영나 대구사학회 2007 대구사학 Vol.89 No.-

        This study is to define the meaning of farmland trade in the Kwangsan Kim Ye-Ahn Clan: use a buying and selling chance, a buyer and a seller, a reason buying and selling, a farmland place, a quantity of the buying and selling farmland. Kwangsan Kim Ye-Ahn Clan had made farmland trade very often with the same Clan, because it was aimed to concentrate the main family farmland together. And they had bought a lot of farmland of the living periphery in Ye-Ahn. They had gained many properties in order to use them as farmland. Between a rice field and a farm, a rice field had been regarded as of greater commercial value than a farm. For that reason, they had tried to purchase as many rice fields as possible comparing to the farm. In 16th century, they accumulated most of their properties through a land development project or the succession of their father's estate. But in the late Chos n Dynasty, they gathered most of their properties through purchasing farmlands. In some cases, the slaves appeared as a buyer and a seller in the farmland trades, but those slaves just took the competency of mandate from their master. This situation might be a general way for the farmland trades of the yangban in the late Chos n Dynasty. This study will show the farmland trades of the yangban.(Kyungpook National University/pureangel-17@hanmail.net)

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        16~18세기 안동지역 사족의 虎溪書院 운영

        김영나 조선시대사학회 2015 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.73 No.-

        Hogye Seowon was established in Andong by Yi Hwang’s followers and the government office in 1575 where is his ancestor’s birthplace and he studied in his childhood. The principals of Hogye Seowon are a total of 78 including 14 between the second half of the 16th century and the first half of the 17th century, and 64 between the second half of the 17th and the first half of the 18th. At first, Yi Hwang' followers' families took over the position of principal of Hogye Seowon in turn. However, the success of Chuhyang of Ru Sung-Ryung and Kim Sung-Il, and the failure of that of Nam Chi-Ri caused the initiative of Hogye Seowon to be transferred to the Seoae sect and the Hakbong sect, and Hakbong sect lot its power due to the containment of the Seoae sect and the Hakbong sect. The principals in the late of 17th century and the mid-18th century were mainly from Yi Hyeon-Il 's followers and related people to him, and the amnesty movement of Yi Hyeon-Il was progressed mostly by them. In spite of its failure, we can guess through it that Hogye Seowon was the center of the regional public opinion. In addition, the people, who participated in the removal of Hakdong Seowon(鶴東書院) were the principals of Hogye Seowon or those who took over the principal position after the removal of Hakdong Seowon or those who are directly connected to the principals. Even the people, who took over the principals of Hogye Seowon, Dosan Seowon(陶山書院) and Byeongsan Seowon(屛山書院) in turn, were mostly Yi Hyeon-Il 's followers, and most of them became the principals of Dosan Seowon or Byeongsan Seowon after the principal of Hogye Seowon. Because it was profitable to Hogye Seowon, Dosan Seowon or Byeongsan Seowon when people, who were recognized by both regions or the center to some extent become principals were invited a lot regardless of sect. Moreover, considered that Yi Hyeon-Il 's followers become principals a lot, it is known that during this period, scholar-official families of Yeongnam province were combined focused on Yi Hyeon-Il 's followers. There might be more principals besides the 78 principals above-mentioned. Accordingly, when other collections of works or diaries are used, more principals can be supplements, and more details on what the principals of Hogye Seowon did, can be learned. It is required to additionally supplement the part. 이 논문은 안동 호계서원의 원장들이 어떠한 활동을 했는지 살펴보는 데에 목적을 두었다. 주요사료인 『虎溪任錄』 등을 통해 16세기 후반~17세기 전반에는 14명, 17세기 후반~18세기 중반에는 64명, 총 78명의 원장을 찾을 수 있었다. 처음에는 이황의 문인 가문 중심으로 원장을 하였지만, 류성룡․김성일의 合享 성공과 南致利의 追享 실패로 호계서원의 주도권은 西厓系와 鶴峯系가 장악하게 되었다. 17세기 후반~18세기 중반의 원장들은 이현일의 문인이나 그와 관련된 사람이 많았고 이들은 이현일의 신원운동과 학동서원 훼철 등에 적극적으로 참여하였다. 이를 통해 호계서원이 지역여론의 중심으로 활동하였다는 것을 짐작할 수 있다. 호계서원과 도산서원, 병산서원 원장을 번갈아 한 사람들 또한 이현일의 문인들이 많았고 대체로 호계서원 원장을 거친 후 도산서원이나 병산서원 원장을 하였다. 세 서원의 원장 중 이현일의 문인이 많은 것을 보면, 이 시기는 이들이 영남의 대표적인 세력으로 활동하였다는 것을 알 수 있다.

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        논란 속의 근대성 ; 한국 근대 시각미술에 재현된 “신여성”

        김영나 미술사와 시각문화학회 2003 미술사와 시각문화 Vol.2 No.-

        The first to be designated as New Woman (Sin Yosong) in Korea were those few elites who, between the late Choson period and 1910s, were able to receive a modern education in Japan or the West, or at home in an institute run by foreign missionaries. By the 1920s, the number of New Woman had increased to the point where the term New Woman was widely known, As New Woman advanced and was active in society, male-female relationships and the meaning of family of necessity had to become redefined, and the resulting confusion between the traditional and the modern was one of the biggest social changes of the early twentieth century in korea. For modern visual am, New Woman became fresh material in the 1920s and 30s in traditional brush painting as well as in oil painting which was introduced in the 1910s to Korea. Artists depicted the New Woman as presented to them with mystery and allure, transforming the image of the traditional woman t0 that of modern woman, A woman reading, appreciating music, or engaging in other new activities were popular themes. More than anything, though, what identified a New Woman from a traditional one was her style of hair, clothing, short or pleated skirt and a longer version of the short Korean jacket, or chogori. Compared to high art, the image of me New Woman in the mass media, such as newspaper cartoons, magazines illustrations or advertisements, was much more Incisive and straightforward. She provided continually rich debate in the media. Many articles and illustrations of mass media showed a mix of favor, curiosity and suspicion all at once, and it can be said mat this was where the debate over tradition versus modernity came to a head. In me gaze of those viewing me New Woman arose doubt about traditions, hope in things new, confusion over value systems, and a crisis mentality over change. This crossroad concerning me gaze on the New Woman reflects the broader gaze on modernity.

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