80년대 한국사연구의 반성과 90년대의 과제

김광운,김영하,안병우,전우용,이세영 한국역사연구회 1990 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.3

3.1운동 70주년 기념특집-민족해방투쟁의 주체와 성격을 새롭게 밝힌다 원산총파업과 노동운동의 새로운 단계로의 이행

김광운 역사문제연구소 1989 역사비평 Vol.- No.6

초대의 글

김광운,김미례,김창대 한국상담학회 2015 한국상담학회 학술대회 논문집 Vol.2015 No.8

북한 분단국가 형성의 역사적 전제

김광운 역사문제연구소 2004 역사문제연구 Vol.- No.13

In this article, the author intends to shed some light upon the matter of historical and structural conditions which gave birth to the North Korean regime. There have been many researches and studies conducted over this subject, bur most of them failed to dig in deeper, and excavate the truth. Only portions of the situations were reviewed or commented upon, but that was it, which is shame because thanks to the Police records accumulated during the Japanese occupation period, and the so-called `Captured Enemy documents` which were apprehended during the Korean war, we are in fact well-informed of the nature and meanings of the establishment of the North Korean regime. But inside all those works that evaluated and discussed the above-mentioned facts, efforts to determine the nature of the social situations, that were inherited to the people who were involved in the North Korean regime`s formation, specifically in historical terms, are still somewhat lacking. The issue needs to be reviewed with perspectives based on concepts such as dynamics, evolution and cause & effect. The Modern period of the Western European countries featured characteristics such as the formation of a `People`s nation`, the development of Capitalism, and a heightened sense of Individualism and Freedom in ideological terms. On the other hand, the Modern period of the Korean people was quite different from that. It featured public movements aiming to acquire sovereignty, the country`s downfall to a colonial, semi-feudal society, and the establishment of totalitarian ideologies. What should be noted is that, as part of the Korean peninsula, North Korea surely did not go through any kind of changes and developments either, as the Western European countries did. There were many conditions that contributed to the conception and subsequent birth of the North Korean People regime. First, there was the long-term Communist movement which had aimed to construct a Proletariat dictatorship, that was again based upon the Kim n Sung faction`s political regimentation of power during its anti-Japanese activities. Second, there was that vital cooperative relationship which was established between North Korean factions and the Chinese Communists or Russians. Third, there was the Russian army`s proprietary occupation of the Northern half of the Korean peninsula, following the end of World War 2. The Moscow conference of the three foreign ministers effectively shows us the international conditions surrounding the Korean issue at the time. In the meantime, the theory of `Democratic Base of the revolution` was representing the North Korean Communists` perception of the situation and also their responsive strategies. The Japanese illegal occupation of Korea was what set in motion the foundation of a separative government in North Korea in the first place. But it was a mere start as well. U.S. also definitely shared responsibility in the Korean peninsula`s division. The V.S. military government oppressed any kind of alternative political faction, except the faction which could serve the U.S. interest and the divided state of the country. V.S. prioritized putting an end to the Russians` influence upon the Korean peninsula above anything else. And they saw to it by establishing the Southern part of the peninsula, which was under their direct control, as an isolated island armed with anti-Russian and anti-Communist ideologies and philosophies. In the meantime, Russia continued to employ only temporary and passive policies regarding the North Korean situation, and as a result the People`s committee in the Northern areas had no choice to develop themselves and incorporate themselves into a separative government as well. Later, the Korean people eventually failed to establish a unified independent state, and both South and North Koreans witnessed the birth of authorities on their respective sides, which were all largely aided and supported by foreign forces. Subsequently, 2 states `for the people`, added with the color of local mentalities, were established during mid-1948.

김원봉의 1945년 광복 이후 정치 행적과 성격

김광운 한국독립운동사연구소 2019 한국독립운동사연구 Vol.0 No.68

김원봉의 광복 이후 활동 특히 1948년 4월 이후 평양에서의 행적은 대체로 누군가의 전언을 근거로 복원했기 때문에 문헌 자료 등의 보완이 필요하다. 이 글에서는 당시 공간된 신문 등을 이용하여 그의 해방 후 행적을 조사하고, 그 성격과 의의를 밝혀보고자 한다. 이를 통해 한국현대사에서 ‘민족 대 반민족’, ‘좌익 대 우익‘ 대립구도에서 중간파의 ‘독자적 정치세력화’ 가능성과 한계를 가름해볼 수 있을 것으로 기대한다. 김원봉이 귀국한 시점은 통일정부 수립을 위한 ‘인민전선’ 구축과 ‘국민전선’ 결성으로 정치세력들이 정면충돌하던 때였다. 그는 임시정부 대표로서 대중들의 전국 조직 결성에 참가하며 민족통일전선체 결성에 노력했지만, 임시정부가 추진한 비상정치회의주비회가 미군정 자문행정기구로 변질되자 민주주의민족전선에 참여하였다. 김원봉은 민전 의장으로 3상회의 결정 지지, 좌우합작 및 미소공위 참여를 통해 임시정부 수립에 노력하였다. 그는 조선공산당의 견제와 방해를 받으면서도 독자의 정체성을 유지하고자 하였고, 경찰에 의해 폭행과 구금, 테러 위협까지 커져가던 상황에서도 자기 역할에 충실하였다. 김원봉은 미군정과 이승만세력 등을 비판하며 민전역량을 키우고자 했지만, 3당합동이 표류되면서 민전은 더 취약해졌다. 미소공위 협의를 통한 임시정부 수립 희망도 1947년을 지나며 실패하였다. 이제 할수 있는 일은 남북 민족역량을 결집시켜 통일·독립 국가를 건설하는 것이었고, 결국 그는 서울을 떠났다. 김원봉은 평양에서 자신을 “정치를 한다는 사람”으로 이해했고, 인민공화국 수립을 추진하였다. 그는 조선인민공화당 소속 20명과 함께 최고인민회의 대의원으로 뽑혔고, 초대 내각의 국가검열상 또는 인민공화당 위원장, 남조선민전 의장으로서 인민정권 강화와 ‘국토완정’을 위해 일했다. 전쟁시기 김원봉은 농업 증산 등 후방사업에 헌신하였고, 1952년 노동상으로 자리를 옮긴 후에도 인민공화당 위원장과 조국전선 의장단 성원으로서 전시생산과 전후 복구사업 등에 앞장섰으며, ‘박헌영사건’ 이후 오히려 대외역할도 더 커졌다. 그런데 과거 임정 요인 중심의 재북평화통일촉진협의회가 평양에서 만들어지면서 김원봉의 활동은 눈에 띄게 줄어들기 시작하였다. 그는 노동상, 최고인민회의 부위원장 직무에 충실하며 관료로서 살다가, 1958년 조선로동당에 의해 “나쁜 놈”으로 낙인찍혀 쫓겨났다. 김원봉은 해방 이후 활동과 행적은 ‘통일·독립’으로 집약할 수 있다. 그는 평양에서도 독자적 정체성을 유지하고자 했다. 그러나 북조선체제에 복무하며 점차 정치활동가로부터 행정관료로 살다가 1950년대 후반 변화된 현실에서 더 이상 자신의 입지를 유지하지 못하였다. What is known about Kim Won-bong’s political activities post-liberation, especially in Pyongyang after April 1948, is largely based on verbal records. Hence, supplementation of this literature is necessary. The aim of this study is to investigate Kim Won-bong’s post-liberation achievements using periodicals from that time and highlight the significance and characteristics of his activities. Through this, the possibilities and limitations of forming an “independent political force” of the neutral factions in the conflicting dichotomy between “nationalists and anti-nationalists” and “left wing versus right wing” activists in contemporary Korean history. Kim Won-bong’s return to Korea occurred amidst a head-on collision between the “People’s Front” and the “National Front” - two rising political forces that were vying to establish a unified government. As a representative of the Provisional Government, Kim joined the fray and made efforts to form the body of the National United Front. However, he eventually joined the United Democratic National Front after the preparatory meeting of emergency political council propelled by the provisional government transformed into an advisory administrative body of the U.S. military government. As the chairperson of the United Democratic National Front, Kim Won-bong attempted to establish a new provisional government in Korea by supporting the decisions of the trilateral commission, engaged in left-right cooperation, and participated in the US-Soviet Joint Commission. He sought to maintain his own independent identity despite pressure from the Communist Party of Korea. He remained firm to his duty even in the face of heightened assault, detention, and threats by the police. Kim Won-bong was critical of the U.S. military government and Rhee Syngman forces and aimed to expand the capacity of the United Democratic National Front. However, its influence only waned as efforts to merge the three parties went adrift. Hopes for the establishment of a new provisional government through the consultation with the US-Soviet Joint Commission failed after 1947. The only choice Kim Won-bong had left was to rally the power of the people in both the North and South Korea and create a unified and independent nation. To this end, he eventually left Seoul. In Pyongyang, Kim Won-bong understood himself as be a “statesman” and pursued the establishment of the People’s Republic. He was elected as the representative of the Supreme People’s Assembly along with 20 other members of the Korean People’s Republic Party. He was on the very first Cabinet of the DPRK and served as the minister of the National Censorship, Chairman of the People’s Republic Party and the United Democratic National Front to strengthen the power of the people’s government and achieve national unification. During the Korean War period, Kim Won Bong devoted himself to enhancing agricultural production and other support initiatives. In 1952, even after his appointment as the minister of labor, he continued to spearhead wartime production and postwar reconstruction as the chairman of the People’s Republic Party and a member of the Democratic Front for National Reunification. His role in external affairs grew after the “Pak Hon-yong incident.” However, Kim’s activity began to decline markedly after Pyongyang. He lived as a bureaucrat, carrying out his duties as the minister of labor and the vice chairman of the Supreme People’s Assembly, until 1958 when he was ousted from the Worker’s Party of Korea after being branded as “bad guy.” Kim Won-bong’s activities and achievements since the postliberation period can be summed up as “reunification and independence.” He sought to maintain his independent identity as a political activist even in Pyongyang despite his eventual transformation into a bureaucrat in the North Korean regime. However, he no longer was able to maintain his position...

북한 보고서 : 현대사 연구자의 북한 역사학계 탐방

김광운 역사비평사 2001 역사비평 Vol.- No.55

The Optimum Noncoherent Detector for M-ray Nonorthogonal Signals

김광운,곽경섭,Jin, Guang-Yun,Kwak, Kyung-Sup The Korean Institute of Communications and Informa 2003 韓國通信學會論文誌 Vol.28 No.4C

This paper proposes an optimum noncoherent detector for M-ary nonorthogonal, unequal energies, unequal priori probabilities nonlinear modulation signals. Theretical derivations are given in detail. Under above conditions, there is not any previous papers to explore the corresponding optimum noncoherent detector. The detector proposed in this paper can be regarded as a generic optimum detector which can be applied to nonorthogonal nonlinear M-ary communication systems.

대학생활 프로그램 개발을 위한 대학생 문제점 조사 연구 : 광주보건전문대 신입생을 중심으로 centered Kwangju Health Junior College student

김광운 광주보건대학 1992 論文集 Vol.17 No.-

The purpose of this survey is to develop the program of college student. For the purpose, the survey which questionned student difficulty was administered to the newcomers in Kwangju health junior college. Questionnaire consists of health, study and circle, family, economy, personality, sex and marriage, morality and value, future, leisure. The data was analyzed by T-test and F test in SPSSPC+ package. As a result, it is found that the female are more concerned with all factor than the male. Especially they are interested in leisure, morality and value, study and circle, personality, future. In conclusion, the author urges educational administrators to pay concern with the such educational programs as personal oranization, curriculum, expansion of facilities for extracurriculum activities, emotional guedance for the betterment of students adaptation to school life.

광주보건전문대학 신입생의 정신건강에 관한 연구

김광운 광주보건대학 1990 論文集 Vol.15 No.-

The purpose of this study is to identify the special character of newcomers and to use it for the student guidance and the cunseling activities. For this purpose, the survey which questioned general problems and SCL - 90 - R was administered to the Kwangju Health Junior College newcomers. The data was analyzed by T-test and F test. As a result, I can get the following conclusions. 1) The state of mental health of newcomers is better than that of Kim et al (1984). 2) The state of mental health of newcomers is similar to the proceeding studies. On the basis of this conclusions, I suggested some ideas showed in the thesis. However, this study has few limitations.

원산총파업을 통해 본 노동자조직의 건설문제

김광운 한국역사연구회 1989 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.2