Tones bassed on tonal boundaries: North Kyungsang Korean nouns

Young-Shik Hwangbo 한국음운론학회 2000 음성·음운·형태론 연구 Vol.6 No.1

Hwangbo, Young-Shik. 2000. Tones based on tonal boundaries: North Kyungsang Korean nouns. Studies in Phonetics, Phonology and Morphology 6.1, 181-206. This paper deals with nominal tones of North Kyungsang Korean. It will be argued that tonal classes must not be specified by underlying tones themselves (the Underlying Tone Hypothesis), but by diacritic marks (the Diacritics Hypothesis). These diacritic marks are used by lexical constraints which control the position of tonal boundaries. The default tonal pattern is captured by the ranking of lexical constraints; a general constraint is dominated by other special constraints. Once the tonal boundaries are decided, the correct position of a H tone is simply decided by a few general constraints. The so-called 'Tone Doubling' (as in mucike 'rainbow') is proved to be a result of ordinary constraint interaction, more specifically, a way of avoiding NonFin violation. (Sungkyul Christian University)

Tonal domains and nonfinality effects in the Samchuk dialect of Korean

Young-Shik Hwangbo 한국음운론학회 2003 음성·음운·형태론 연구 Vol.9 No.1

Hwangbo, Young-Shik. 2003. Tonal domains and nonfinality effects in the Samchuk dialect of Korean. Studies in Phonetics, Phonology and Morphology 9.1. 223-246. This paper deals with tones of the Samchuk dialect of Korean, focusing on typical tonal patterns of nouns. I claim that the underlying forms of Korean tone dialects are marked by tonal boundaries, which later define tonal domains. I argue, following Gim (1988, 1999), that in most cases the positions of tonal boundaries are predictable from Middle Korean side-dots, and thus that all modern tone dialects have the same location of tonal boundaries. In addition, I argue, following Hwangbo (2001), that the different tone realization between dialects results from different constraint ranking. I show that the interesting tonal phenomena of the Samchuk dialect can be explained in a principled manner if we have recourse to the tonal boundaries and tonal domains. More specifically, I show that 'post-accenting' and 'pre-accenting' observed in the Samchuk dialect can be explained as nonfinality effects within tonal domains. (Sungkyul University)

Historical change and dialectal vaiations of English r

Young-Shik Hwangbo 한국음운론학회 1999 음성·음운·형태론 연구 Vol.5 No.1

Hwangbo, Young-Shik. 1999. Historical Change and Dialectal Variations of English r. Studies in Phonetics, Phonology and Morphology 5, 257-282. In this paper, I argue that historical change of r is due to the overall process in which r undergoes weakening. I propose that this weakening process results in demotion of faithfulness constraints relevant to r realization. It is shown that such analysis of r can explain why r-insertion always and necessarily follows r-deletion, and how such incompatible kind of rules can coexist in a dialect. In addition, it is shown that the rule-based approach to these phenomena is not very successful. (Seoul National University)

Input- Truncatum Faithfulness in English Hypocoristic Names

Hwangbo, Young-Shik The Korean Association for the Study of English La 2002 영어학 Vol.2 No.2

Truncated forms (truncata) in English hypocoristic words have been argued to be faithful to their bases. This means that “ ... the base of truncation is an output form"”(Benua 1995:6,12). For example, in some non-rhotic dialects where syllable-final [r]s are deleted, the [r]s of truncated names such as Gar [gær] (truncated form of Garry [gæri]) are not deleted although they are syllable-final. This is an example of base-truncatum identity. That is, the syllable-final [r] is retained to make the truncatum more faithful to its base. However, there are many English hypocoristic names which are not faithful to their base forms. For example, Letty [equation omitted] (hypocoristic form of Latitia [equation omitted]) is not faithful to its base; the first vowel and the second consonant of the truncatum are not identical to the corresponding segments of the base. It will be argued, therefore, that some truncated forms are more faithful to the inputs than the bases. It will also be argued that McCarthy and Prince's (1995) Full Model is needed to deal successfully with all the phenomena related to truncation.

ON THE ROLE OF NONFINALITY IN PITCH ACCENT SYSTEMS

YOUNG-SHIK HWANGBO 사단법인 한국언어학회 2001 언어학 Vol.0 No.29

TONAL DOMAINS AND TONAL CONSTRAINTS

YOUNG-SHIK HWANGBO 사단법인 한국언어학회 2003 언어학 Vol.0 No.36

Intrusive r in English: A functional approach

Young-Shik Hwangbo 한국음운론학회 1998 음성·음운·형태론 연구 Vol.4 No.-

Whether r-intrusion is natural or not has been controversial. In this paper I will argue that r-intrusion is phonetically motivated, that is, natural, by showing that r-triggering vowels and intrusive r have something in common. Specifically, I will treat r - intrusion as a kind of glide insertion. I will argue that the neighboring vowels select the nearest glide in the vowel space that, in turn, may be proved the most similar one in vocal tract shape. This implies that the selected glide is the one which can be reached most easily from the preceding vowels. This means that r-intrusion (as well as j - and w-intrusion) can be explained functionally, at least in part. I will show that intrusive r can be explained in Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993, McCarthy and Prince 1995) in two ways: by the constraint *Effort (Boersma 1997) that demands the least effort or by the markedness constraints that penalize every occurrence of features (Itô and Mester 1994).

Three-syllable domains in some tone languages

Young-Shik Hwangbo(황보영식) 한국음운론학회 2006 음성·음운·형태론 연구 Vol.12 No.3

Binarity is widely admitted in linguistics while ternarity is seldom allowed. Nevertheless, some tonal phenomena in a few Bantu languages seem to raise a possibility of ternarity. In such languages, a high tone spreads or shifts by two syllables; in other words, the realization of a high tone is restricted within a three-syllable window. One of the goals of this paper is to argue that there is also three-syllable restriction in Korean tone dialects and show how to explain this phenomenon without incurring ternarity. Three-syllable restriction is inevitably related to bounded domain formation. The second goal of this paper is to argue that there are two kinds of domain formation mechanisms in present-day Korean tone dialects: leftward unbounded domain formation and rightward bounded domain formation.

Reduction of Unstressed Prevocalic /u/ in English

( Young Shik Hwangbo ) 한국영어영문학회 2009 영어 영문학 Vol.55 No.6

High vocoids in English: A diachronic analysis

Young Shik Hwangbo 한국음운론학회 2015 음성·음운·형태론 연구 Vol.21 No.3

This paper analyzes the sequences of high vocoids (/ji, ju, wi, wu/) from a diachronic perspective, focusing on their distribution. /ju/-related phenomena have been dealt with, producing various suggestions or accounts about its underlying status, optional /j/-deletion, the position of /j/ in a syllable, co-occurrence restrictions between /j/ and its neighboring sounds, different behaviors of /ju/ and /wi/, etc. This paper does not tackle these issues directly, but instead investigates the distribution of high vocoid sequences (/ji, ju, wi, wu/) which appear in the CELEX Lexical Database, and examines how they have changed through time. The results reveal that /ju/ is very peculiar in that almost all the words with /ju/ have been added to English by continuous influx of French or Latin words, in most of which /ju/ is represented by the single letter <u>, not by two letters. In contrast, the majority of /wi/ words are native words, and /wi/ is represented by two letters. /wu/ and /ji/ words are very few, but almost all of them are native words. It is concluded, thus, that the peculiarity of the sequence /ju/ might be related to the idiosyncratic behavior of /ju/ frequently observed in the issues mentioned above.