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신준형 서양미술사학회 2009 서양미술사학회논문집 Vol.31 No.-
In the traditional scholarship of art history, the period of Renaissance has been perceived as the culmination of resuscitated Humanist ideal and mimetic visual techniques such as linear perspective and chiaroscuro. This recurring eulogy of Renaissance is, to a large extent, ascribed to the fact that the discipline of art history itself has been initiated by German-speaking scholars fascinated by southern, Mediterranean art of Classical Greece and Renaissance Italy. In other words, this stereotypical understanding of the Renaissance originates in the nationalistic awareness of the self and the other between the European nations north and south of the Alps. In 1995, Claire Fargao rightly pointed out the element of Nationalism in the shaping of Renaissance scholarship and brought to light its resultant extension: viewing non-European others such as Africans, Amerindians, and Asians from the perspective of the Italian or European Renaissance. In order to overcome or “reframe” this traditional boundary of the Renaissance, she insisted to incorporate the post-Colombian American art and to redefine the period as the full launching of global contact and global art. In 1999, Gauvin A. Bailey further explored this issue of global exchange of visual culture by focusing on the mission activities of Jesuits in four realms of the world: Mughal India, China, Japan, and the Americas. Farago suggested the term of hybridization to refer to this new genus of Renaissance art; Bailey, after critically reviewing the terms such as acculturation, transculturation, and inculturation, eventually came up with the tentative term “partnership.” As a specialist of Renaissance Christian art, and as Korean national with Buddhist and Confucianist legacies, I would like to deal afresh with this acculturation issue in the Jesuit art introduced and reproduced in East Asia, by discussing them not as cultural objects but as religious objects. Even though the issue of acculturation in visual form has been thoroughly studied, one of the most interesting case being James Cahill’s work in 1982, I suggest here to turn our attention to the conflation or interaction of the ideas such as Buddhism and Catholicism, rather than their visual outcomes.
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신준형 미술사와 시각문화학회 2007 미술사와 시각문화 Vol.6 No.-
종교미술 연구는 도상적 ‘의미’의 이해에 너무나 많은 시간과 노력을 할애해 왔다. 그러나 ‘파노프스키 이후’의 시대를 살고 있는 우리는 종교미술이 비의적 텍스트로서뿐 아니라 영적 체험을 촉진시키기 위한 도구로서 ‘기능’해 왔다는 점에 주목해야 한다. 바로 이런 측면에서 한스 벨팅의 아이콘 연구는 기독교 미술뿐 아니라 모든 종교미술을 연구하는 이들에게 주목할 만한 선례를 남겼다고 할 수 있다. This essay brings to light Hans Belting's thesis on icon and its art historical contribution in the Post-Panofskian era. My discussion focuses on two of his major works, Image and its Public in the Middle Ages (New Rochelle, New York, 1990; German original published in Berlin, 1981) and Likeness and Presence: a History of the Image before the Era of Art (Chicago, 1991; German original published in München, 1990). These works, both translated into English, have been widely circulated and read among the academic communities beyond the field of art history, turning his name into THE authority on the issue of icon. The historians of religious art usually point out as his most important contribution the way Belting narrated the comprehensive history of icon by connecting successfully its Eastern prototypes to their offshoots in the West. This aspect indeed is very significant, given the contemporary situation of our academic field where the Western European and the Byzantine art histories are deemed as separate specialties. On the other hand, I see as the most important that Belting discussed icon not in search of the mystified “latent meaning” of Panofskian iconography, but as regards its function in the context of liturgical and para-liturgical devotion. Furthermore, he widened the scope of icon's function from the mere receptacle of our veneration to the manifestation of the presence of the holy. For criticism, I have to point out that such an ambitious attempt to write a meta-history of icon, literally from its beginning to the end, is inevitably prone to generalization and thus vulnerable.
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예수의 몸, 성모의 몸, 언약의 궤 : 틸만 리멘쉬나이더의 성모승천 제단조각
신준형 미술사와 시각문화학회 2012 미술사와 시각문화 Vol.11 No.-
1505-1510년에 걸쳐 독일 크레글링엔의 우리 주님의 교회에 세워진 리멘쉬나이더의 성모승천 제단조각은, 성체발견 기적 담의 장소에 성모승천의 주제를 세운 예외적인 경우이다. 이 논문은 예수의 몸 - 성모의 몸 - 언약의 궤를 관통하는 신학적 논리를 통해 리멘쉬나이더의 제단조각이 이 교회의 역사적 종교적 배경에 어떻게 합치되는가를 밝히고자 한다. This essay attempts to explain the semantic logic in the installation of the Virgin's Assumption altarpiece upon the site of a late medieval Host miracle. The Assumption Altarpiece was made by Tilmann Riemenschneider in 1505-1510, and set up in the center of Herrgottskirche in Creglingen, Germany, where in the fourteenth century a consecrated Host had been found in the middle of field by a peasant. The church was set up to commemorate this miracle, and the location of Riemenschneider's altarpiece marked the exact spot of discovery. Such miracles stories relating to the Host were frequently found in the middle and southern Germany of late medieval time. Churches were built in those places, but the altarpieces therein usually bore the themes directly referring to Corpus Christi. Thus, the emplacement of the Virgin's altar upon the spot of Host miracle in Creglingen was rather a rare case. The author attempted to explain this matching in his 1996 master's thesis by making a parallel between Christ's risen body and the Virgin's soaring body, both signaling the resurrection of the body on the Judgment Day. However in this current article, the author points out the metaphoric association between Host monstrance and the body of the Virgin as the ark of the New Covenant. In conclusion, this essay argues that Riemenschneider's figure of soaring Virgin surrounded by Cherubims, with its formal and theological resemblance to monstrance and the Ark of Covenant, referred to her role as the new ark containing Corpus Christi, which had been miraculously found in the spot.
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Spiritus in materiam revelatus; 생 드니 교회와 고딕 양식의 탄생에 대한 신화
신준형 한국미술사교육학회 2004 美術史學 Vol.18 No.-
Abbot Suger (1081 1151) renovated the apse of St. Denis from 1140 to 1144. Panofsky saw in this renovation the birth of the Gothic style, as the new ambulatory with widened windows introduced ample amount of light. He argued that this new structure reflected the Neo-Platonic theology of Pseudo-Dionysius (5th century), which regards light as the metaphor of divinity. Panofsky believed that Suger had been exposed to this idea through a translation done by John Scotus Erigena (c. 810 877). Thus, it was Suger himself who took a full control and lead in the renovation project, and the birth of Gothic should be attributed to this theologically oriented patron of art. Historians of architecture have pointed out the weakness of this theory on the basis of thorough studies of structure and engineering in the renovation. In conjunction with these recent reviews, I intend to examine Pseudo-Dionysius's original Greek text, John Scotus's Latin translation, and Suger's own record of the construction procedure, and see if the theology of light, as it had been formulated by Pseudo-Dionysius, was indeed transmitted to and visualized by Abbot Suger in the ambulatory of St. Denis. Finally I suggest to reevaluate the functional formalism of George Kubler and apply it to the question of stylistic transition from the Romanesque to Gothic at St. Denis, since his theory is well equipped to deal with the accumulative construction method of medieval architecture.
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