1965년 중화민국 주한대사관의 ‘관지매각’과 화교사회 — ‘7.19사건’의 발생 배경을 중심으로 —

김희신(Kim Hee-sin) 중국근현대사학회 2021 중국근현대사연구 Vol.92 No.-

The purpose of this study is to analyze the occurrence of the 7/19 incident in 1965 in a historical context. This study first, looked at the process from the ‘embassy construction plan’ to ‘land sale’, which is the background of the case, and reviewed in the historical context, the process by which conflicts with the overseas Chinese society over land sale lead to radical acts of violence such as intrusion into the embassy. Together with the materials of the Overseas Chinese Newspaper by actively using materials from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs that have never been used before, this study managed to confirm the position of the embassy (Taiwan government), which was the party concerned to the land sale, and the inside story of the land sale. There had been several rumors of ‘land sale’ in the past, but the actual sale was never successful. Although the ‘land sale’ should not be carried out in secret, in May 1965, the embassy site of 1,000 pyeong was sold to Jeong Gyu seong (丁奎成), a Chinese Japanese in Japan, without the process of the sale being disclosed. The dark memories of the past about the ‘land sale’ became a catalyst, enough to explode the feelings of anger towards the ambassador (embassy). Through the 7/19 incident, the Korean Chinese society were able to prevent further land sales, and ambassador Liang xu-zhao (梁序昭) left an image of an incompetent ‘nation’s betrayer’. The embassy in Korea achieved its intended purpose of ‘constructing a modern embassy’, but it is difficult to assert that the experiences and memories of the past conflict in the ‘government office land’ will not have an impact on today’s overseas Chinese society.

재조선 화교 염상과 조선총독부의 외염 관리

김희신(Kim Hee-sin) 중국근현대사학회 2018 중국근현대사연구 Vol.77 No.-

This study examines the activities of overseas Chinese salt merchants in Joseon, especially after the foreign salt management of Joseon Governor General, how the activities of salt merchant have declined. Looking at the imports of foreign salt by open ports in 1905‐1909, most of the Chinese salt was imported through Incheon and Jinnampo. The volume of import through Busan and Wonsan was very small and almost nothing. In the 1920s, with the increase in Chinese salt consumption in Joseon, it expanded to other commercial ports such as Gunsan, Mokpo, Busan, Wonsan, and Shinuiju. Among them, 16 overseas Chinese merchants" stores selling Chinese salt were found in Incheon, Jinnampo, Gunsan, Mokpo and Shinuiju in 1930. Although there was some variation in the distribution of salt merchants by port, during the decade of the 1920s, Joseon"s overseas Chinese merchants seemed to have maintained their business without any major changes. Overseas Chinese salt merchants from different regions in the country were mainly engaged in consignment sales on behalf of salt boats from China, or by purchasing salt from the Junk(帆船) directly from China, the stores themselves traveled directly to and from China, transporting and selling salt. The process of importing and exporting salt with China"s Junk was subject to taxes with various names. In addition to export and import tariffs, Chinese Consulate in Joseon collected ‘帆船照費’ along with ‘帆船噸捐’ when the Junk arrived. In particular, the income of two items collected from Incheon consulate was used as an expense for ‘Incheon Overseas Chinese Elementary School’ since 1914. In general, Chinese salt imported through open ports was consumed locally by wholesalers and retailers or re‐transferred to various parts of Joseon. Overseas Chinese merchants in Joseon had store nets and customer lists in major commercial areas based on long commercial activities. In addition, they organized a salt‐business organization in each area to study Chinese salt and cope with its related business. This commercial network had important implications for salt demand, market research, information transmission and commodity trading in the Joseon market. Meanwhile, the Joseon Governor General in April 1930 started the management of imported salt in the name of Joseon"s salt industry protection. The monopoly bureau stated that they would basically do things so that the ‘existing salt workers would not be affected as possible as they could,’ according to the circumstances of each region, but it turned out that it was impossible for existing salt workers to maintain their operations. Regardless of the region, the bureau set very low prices, and there was a drastic change in the existing way of commerce. Most of the prospects of overseas Chinese salt merchants were desperate. Thus, the Chinese government tried to reduce the export tax rate of Junk salt considering the situation of salt merchants and to encourage export through cost reduction. In March 1935, there were only four salt handling stores in Incheon left, and all of the overseas Chinese salt merchant"s import sales rights were lost in other areas. The revenue of `帆船照費` and `帆船噸捐’was sharply reduced, adding to the difficulty of the security of the Incheon Overseas Chinese Elementary School, which eventually resulted in a temporary closure in 1932. Of course, the reason why the Overseas Chinese Elementary School was closed can be explained in various aspects. However, the lack of expenses was an important part of determining the operation of the Overseas Chinese Elementary School. Therefore, it is true that the effect of foreign salt control on overseas Chinese society cannot be neglected.

川北 剿共을 계기로 한 四川의 政治統合과 그 意味

金希信(Kim Hee-Shin) 동양사학회 2004 東洋史學硏究 Vol.89 No.-

1926-1935년 重慶의 ‘內的’ㆍ‘人的’ 요소와 도시근대화

金希信(Kim Hee-Sin) 동양사학회 2009 東洋史學硏究 Vol.109 No.-

This study was conducted as a part of the history of urban transformation, namely, how urban spaces have reflected and structured historic situations, focused on people living in cities and urban societies. Among the open port cities under the treaty system, the centers (coastal areas) and the surroundings (inland areas) show very remarkable differences from each other. The opening of Chongqing was around 50 years later than Shanghai, and the coastal cities represented by Shanghai had already been substantially modernized. When Shanghai had gradually been positioned at the center of Chinese modernization, Chongqing in the deep inland was very slow in modernization and was merely a region remote from the center owning most of traditions. However, the influence of the centers on the surroundings was much stronger than the shock of ‘port opening.’ The prosperity and development of steamship transportation business on the Chuan River and the high enthusiasm of Chongqing city administrators, managers and supporters provided favorable conditions for the influence of the centers (coastal cities) to infiltrate into relatively closed environment. In particular, urban constructors (劉湘, 潘文華, 盧作孚, 劉航琛, 胡光?, 胡仲實, 康心如, 楊燦三, 何北衡 etc.) who tried to connect Chongqing, an enclosed world in the inland, to the outside, the open world, and to cope with rapidly changing global trends had direct impacts on the process of urban development. This meant that Chongqing was faced with the time to accept modern things. The modernization of Chongqing was a process that the influence of ‘the centers’ was continuously exerted on inland Chongqing full of obsolete and premodern things. However, in very ‘diverse’ modern changes (urbanization, the development of commerce and industry, people’s value system or cultural consciousness, change in the existence pattern of pubic areas), the urbanization of Chongqing basically concentrated on ‘construction’ imitating the material aspect of large cities such as Shanghai. In general, the urbanization process included education, police and organization services related to transportation, energy, telecommunication, water supply, education, health, public administration and other facilities. On the other hand, as revealed by the expression ‘downstream people (downstream culture),’ the historical and spatial distance was too large to achieve a cohesive force of unified Chinese culture and this meant the requirement of time and effort as that much.

‘漢城 開設行棧 조항 개정’ 교섭과 중국의 대응

김희신(Kim Hee-Sin) 동양사학회 2010 東洋史學硏究 Vol.113 No.-

중국 주한공관의 공간성과 한국화교 ― 청말, 중화민국시기를 중심으로 ―

김희신(Kim Hee-sin) 동양사학회 2021 東洋史學硏究 Vol.157 No.-

There are not many previous studies on overseas Chinese in Korea, and recently, the research area is gradually diversifying. In terms of research methodology, the characteristics of this study have the distinctiveness from other previous studies in that this study analyzes more historically and empirically beyond the context at the current time over the confrontational conflicts between the overseas Chinese in Korea and the Taipei representative office in Korea (Taiwan government) over the ownership of land and buildings in the center of Seoul. In particular, since the description of overseas Chinese tended to depend on interviews, memoirs, and newspaper reports, it was necessary to objectify subjective claims. And since there is a tendency to describe the issues of multilateral relations from a one-sided perspective, this study attempted to approach them with a more balanced stance. Second, based on these, this study specifically identified the historical context of the China"s diplomatic office in Korea and its owned land, and analyzed what meaning or symbolism of the China"s diplomatic office in Korea might have for overseas Chinese. In addition, by comparatively analyzing the issues of dispute and the responding aspects of overseas Chinese society through case analysis of disputes over the sale of land owned by the China"s diplomatic office in Korea, this study attempted to identify the transnational characteristics of overseas Chinese that have existed for a long time as a member of Korean society from modern times to the present. Basically, for overseas Chinese living in Korea, the Chinese legation in Korea was the official national institution representing the home government. And it was a space to maintain and reproduce the pride and identity of the Chinese. It was also a place of living and a historical space for overseas Chinese migration. Because the overseas Chinese in Korea have established their base in the land for a long time, the actual owner has been recognized as the overseas Chinese in Korea. In the background of the issues surrounding the current ownership exercise (use, development, sale, etc.), there is a long-standing conflict inherent in the ‘sale of land owned by the diplomatic office’ between the Taiwan government and the overseas Chinese in Korea.

호텔외식조리 전공 대학생의 진로의사결정유형과 자기효능감, 취업기대감, 진로준비행동 연구

김희기(Kim Hee-kee),이준재(Lee Jun-Jae) 한국관광레저학회 2011 관광레저연구 Vol.23 No.6

려말선초 성리학의 불교배제와 수용의 정치성 연구

김희 ( Kim¸ Hee ) 동아시아불교문화학회 2021 동아시아불교문화 Vol.- No.47

본 논문은 조선이라는 새로운 왕조국가의 탄생과정 속에 기능하는 성리학자의 불교 배제에 대한 부정의 의식과 긍정의 정치적 인식과정을 불교의 구명(救命)의식과 비교하여 고찰하고, 그 의미를 규명하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 조선의 건국에 대한 정치적인 정당성은 고려사회의 여러 모순들에 대한 개혁의 필연성을 역사화 한다. 그리고 이것은 삼국시대를 거쳐 고려사회에 토착화된 불교의 사회적 기능성을 대체할 수 있는 새로운 정신문화의 기획에 대한 의도가 전제되어 있는 것이기도 하다. 이 점에서 불교에 대한 부정의 의식을 정치와 사회의 영역에서 피력하고 있는 고려의 김초(金貂)·조준(趙浚)을 비롯해 조선 초기 권근과 정도전의 척불(斥佛)에 대한 인식은 고려시대를 아울러 조선사회의 성리학자들이 갖는 불교에 대한 정치적인 이해의 목적성을 대변한다. 하지만, 성리학을 중심으로 하는 새로운 왕조국가의 정통성 확보와 사회질서의 개편 과정에도 불구하고, 강한 믿음을 기반으로 하는 불교의 기복적 세속성은 성리학에 대응하는 불교의 논리를 사회화하기도 한다. 그리고 불교의 호교(護敎)성은 성리학의 억압에 대한 불교의 대응으로만 인식할 수 없는 내용을 갖는다. 다시 말해, 불교의 호교성은 성리학의 정치 이념이 구조화되는 변혁의 역사 속에서도 기능할 수 있는 기복신앙의 기능성에 대한 사회적 의미를 대변한다. 또한, 이것은 민간을 중심으로 토착화된 불교에 대한 역사적인 이해의 과정이 보다 다각적인 측면에서 진행될 필요성을 말하는 것이기도 하다. 그러므로 피폐한 삶에 대한 부정의 논리를 보편의 삶을 위한 구명의 구원의식으로 전화하는 불교의 기복성은 위민의 정치논리를 기반으로 하는 조선왕조 군주제의 실현을 위한 정치적인 연대의 가능성을 갖는다. This study focuses on consideration of Neo-Confucianists’ positive and negative consciousness of Buddhism embedded in a process of the birth of new dynasty, and an investigation into its analytic milestone. Political legitimacy of establishment of the Joseon Dynasty historicizes the necessity of reform for different contradiction in the Koryo society. And this necessity includes the intention of replacing social practicality of Buddihism indigenized in the Koryo society throughout the Three Kingdoms Period with new moral culture. In this regard, Kimcho(金貂)·Chojoon(趙浚) of the Joseon Dynasty, who shows negative consciousness of Buddhism in the political and social sphere, as well as Gwongeun(權近)’s and Jeongdojeon(鄭道傳)’s anti-Buddihist consciousness represent toward Buddhism finality of political political interests that the Neo-Confucianists in both the Koryo and Joseon society retain. Though a process of procuring legitimacy of new dynasty and reorganization of the social order with priority given to Neo-Confucianism, secularism of indigenous Buddhism based on strong faith socializes a counteractive logic against Neo-Confucianism. it is not only considered that apology of Buddhism is the Buddhist response to the oppression of Neo-Confucianism. Such apology of secular Buddhism, that is to say, has a meaning of accepting an idea for new society. Furthermore, this equates to socially establishing semantic relations that is considered that the apology of indigenous Buddhism rooted in the people’s consciousness can respond to the Confucian view of the world. Also, it can be the beginning of perceiving a new understanding of apology in which the Confucian view of the world becomes socialized in people’s lives. In this respect, it can be said that there socially exists a possibility of contextual reconciliation between the Confucianism and Buddhism in an exclusion process of Buddhist in the early years of the Joseon Dynasty.

1930년(年) 전후(前後) 인천화교소학(仁川華僑小學)을 통해 본 화교사회(華僑社會)의 동향(動向)

김희신 ( Kim Hee Sin ) 중국사학회 2016 中國史硏究 Vol.104 No.-

This study captured overseas Chinese schools, especially the operation status of Incheon overseas Chinese elementary schools as part of a way of investigating the reality of overseas Chinese society that existed a part of Korean society for a long time. The author as part of the history of overseas Chinese education in Korea, has once conducted the research about the education of overseas Chinese schools in Incheon area which can be said to be an axis of overseas Chinese education in Korea together with Seoul, and this study can belong to its follow-up studies. In referring to related existing studies, by actively utilizing recording materials related with academic affairs, personnel affairs and business affairs, etc. in zhuchaoxianshiguandang, this study attempted to explore issues of conflicts occurring around the operation of Incheon overseas Chinese elementary schools, and through this, examine the internal trend of Incheon overseas Chinese society. For this, this study analyzed firstly, the issues of appointment and dismissal for the faculty members of Incheon overseas Chinese elementary schools and accompanying student alliance shut down incident, secondly, school closing measures in 1932 owing to lack of education expenditure, and lastly, principal Cengdingjun beating case. In the process of analysis, this study could peep into different interpretations over between school trustees, between school trustees and school faculty members and between principal and school faculty members with regard to each case, and overseas Chinese management system of coordinating subjects of Chinese Consulate-General in Seoul and Chinese Consulate in Incheon. Thus, this study expects to provide a clue to explore the reality of overseas Chinese society in Korea that has been beyond clear confirmation.

포스터 전시 : 담도,췌장 8 ; 췌장암으로 오인된 종괴형성 만성췌장염 환자의 임상적 특징

김희만 ( Hee Man Kim ),김윤재 ( Yoon Jae Kim ),송시영 ( Si Young Song ) 대한소화기학회 2002 대한소화기학회 추계학술대회 Vol.2002 No.-