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      • 항일구국기(1937. 7~1945. 8) 중국부녀운동의 특성연구

        김염자 이화여자대학교 한국문화연구원 1991 韓國文化硏究院 論叢 Vol.59 No.1

        Despite of the reputation of the Kuomintang(KMT) as a nationalist revolutionary party dedicated to the emancipation of women, largely remain intact. KMT never ceased to talk about revolution and emancipation, it simply redefined the terms. Revolution became reform within an urban capitalist and rural semi-feudal structure and emancipation included the often contradictory demands for a return to the virtues of traditional feminity and domesticity and new opportunity for professional employment. The split within the Nationalist revolutionary Movement in 1927, and the subsequent division of China into 2 areas-one governed by Chiang Kai-shek and KMT, and the other by Mao Zedong and the CCP(the Chinese Communist Party)-provided a unique opportunity to follow the contrasting development and fate of a womens movement allied to each of these differing political, social, economic interests. However, KMT government under Chiang was recognized by the foreign powers as the legitimate government of all China. It was the initial aim of the KMT to restore the womens movement to its previous respectability by rescuing it from the militant and immoral influences of the extremists, the Communists. It first set abut separating feminism from socialism and second it redefined feminism. In 1931, Japans aggression was provoking a national response at new level of public participation. KMT government, however, discounted the capabilities of non-military guerrilla resistance. Chinag used this new army to follow a strategy of unification before resistance and so mounted 5 anti-communist extermination campaigns, 1931-34. In addition, The New Life Movement(NLM) launched in 1934 was aim at the social and moral rejuvenation or spiritual reform of the Chinese peoples. To maintain social stability, popular disciplines and to promote morality, the ancient Confucian virtues of prosperity, loyalty, integrity and honor which has been responsible for the greatness of the country. The return to the old Chinese ideals of maternal love and wifely devotion as recommended by the feminist was also taken up by the bofernment as part of of a nationwide campaign Soong Meiling, Mme. Chiang Kai-shek established and directed The Womens Guidance Committee of the NLM(新生活婦女指導委員會). CCP and Commintern had proposed a second united front in August 1935. Japans full-scale aggression in July 1937, which in China lasted full 8 years. Chinese women did indeed respond to the new national crisis. From the outbreak of war women participated fully in the war work both at the front and in supporting activities, a number of women formed their own fighting battalions(戰時服務圓). Mme. Chiang called the leaders of NLMs wives and daughters and proposed that women combine the principles of that movement with resistance and war-work. She established 2 national organizations-The Womens Association for War Relief(戰時婦女救濟會, 1938). The Association for Care and Education of War Orphans(戰時兒童保育會, 1938)-to specifically encourage women to participate in war-work. In 1938, the KMTs "Principles of Resistance and Nation-Building(抗戰建國綱領)" clearly stated that the most urgent task of the KMT was to train women to serve in social affairs so as to increase the strength of resistance. In response to this demand, Mme. Chiang called a nationwide women leaders in May 1938(盧山婦女談話會). She went on talk of the need to device a national programme for Womens wr-work. The machinery was established to reach all classes and sections of society. The womens Guidance Committee of the NLM with Mme. Chiang as chair-woman, was appointed as an organizing and co-ordinary agency whose amin functions were to inform, advice, liaise and train leaders for expanded war-work. The women leadrs adopted a resolution on the Principle of Mobilizing Women to Join the Works of resistance and Nation-Building(動員婦女參加抗戰建國工作大綱). There was a tremendous burst of enthusiasm for war-work among the women. By 1941 there were more than 570 womens organizations and 140 womens magazines through out 21 provinces participating in war-work. The needs of female workforce for the war meant that women had to be mobilized for unaccustomed roles in agriculture, handicraft, construction for road. Their activities ranging fro raising fund, urging their son and husband to join soldiers, nursing, making garments and shoes for army, entertainments, caring for refugees and orphans to stretcher duties and informing on spies and infiltrators. In fact Chinese women did respond their duties as a nation in this Patriot Movement. Such a mobilization of women in itself was functioned as a cause and effect rapid social changes.

      • KCI등재

        중국 혁명과정의 부녀인력동원정책연구 : 공산당 부녀정책을 중심으로

        김염자 이화여대 한국여성연구소 1990 여성학논집 Vol.7 No.-

        The women's movement in the twentieth-century China was characterized by two tendencies : One was the feminist tendency concentrated on the struggle for women's rights in the belief that true equality was impossible without a revolution of the whole social system, and the other was the socialist tendency which held that women's liberation could only be achieved under socialism and thereby women should be engaged in revolutionary activities. Mao Zedong wrote : "Men in China are usually subjected to the domination of three Systems of authority (political, clan, and religious authorities). As for women, who are controlled by these three Systems, they are also dominated by men (the authority of the husband)." Using Mao's imagery, we could say socialist women in China saw these four authorities to be overthrown. Women's movement in China, like the beginning of the communist movement itself, started from towns where organizing women was always an important activity of the Communist Party. When the focus of the communist movement shifted to the countrysides, the nature of the woman-work policy underwent profound changes. Therefore, Chinese women no longer had to wage a "battle against the opposition from members of the opposite sex. This study describes the Chinese Communist Party policy toward women in the periods of the Jiangxi Soviet, the anti-Japanese War and the Civil War. The currents which shaped policies toward women were complex and at times contradictory. However, the young and intellectual components of the communist Patty's leadership believed in the equality of both sexes. They regarded women's emancipation as an important goal for the revolution. Female emancipation as well as the reforms of marriage and family institutions were profoundly threatening the whole support of male peasantry which the party had also to win for survival. But even if the postponement of female emancipation had been ideologically acceptable, it would have been impractical. Some goals for the revolution might he modified, but the needs of female workforce for the army meant that women had to be mobilized for unaccustomed roles in agriculture, handicrafts, and war support work. Such a mobilization of women in itself was functioned as a cause and effect of rapid social changes.

      • 중국의 사회주의 초급단계 국가건설과 여성의 입장

        김염자 이화여자대학교 한국문화연구원 1992 韓國文化硏究院 論叢 Vol.61 No.1

        After Mao Zedonos death in 1976 and the arrest of wife Jiang Qing and her political allies, Cultural Revolution policies were resoundingly rejected in every walk of life. In December 1978, the 3rd Plenum of the Central Committee of the 11th Chinese Communist Party(CCP) Congress (11계3中全會)has made many abrupt changes. That is the economic reforms, so-called, "Four Modernizations, " and Chinas opening to the West. In October of 1987, CCP 13rd Congress revised the party policy toward the first stage socialism(初級段階社會主義路線). There are certain differences in the party policy toward women in the 1980s from the former. These differences are by on means fundamental. It is becoming clear that the primary role that is expected of women to play in New China is that of the helper-the good wife and the devoted mother. Under the radical new policy of the Four Modernizations, women are being told to step aside in the interest of the nation. Women are again being encouraged to give up their jobs in favor of their children and to value their roles as socialist mothers and wives. Gender hierarchy is very much alive in the China of 1980s. Since female participation in the work-force had been a crucial component of the Marxist strategy for womens liberation, the voices of women and womens advocates in China were raised in vociferous protest of discrimination against women in hiring. Thus the resolution of the womens question in China depends upon the future success of economic modernization. Beginning in 1978, economic reforms began to restructure the lives of women. In the countryside, agriculture was decollectivized and production was reorganized with household as the basic unit. Peasants were encouraged to engage in sideline production, private markets were permitted, and the government raised the prices it paid for farm produce. The new polices increased womens opportunities to earn income, but also placed their labor firmly authority. Men are again likely to become structural as well as ideological patriarchs. The state policy in the 1980s, mandated a lessening of official control over many spheres of economic planning and management. In the cities industrial enterprises were given expanded powers to hire and fire, and were made problem at the beginning of the 1980s they had a large labor pool from which to draw. Many promptly decided that they would prefer to hire men than women, who were considered unreliable workers because of their responsibilities in the home. The education system was expanded, but at the same time entrance qualifications at all levels were made more restrictive. Thus the cultural, scientific and technical, educational levels of most women were rather low, and heavy household chores still adversely affected progress and health of women. In many respects, womens lives in 1980s China were radically improved from the situation before 1949. The most disturbing effect of the economic reforms on women was the effect on employment outside the home. What was needed was the radical steps to socialize housework and domesticate males. Divorce was on the rise in the 1980s. For it become increasingly easy to obtain because of the alienation of affection clause in the 1980s Marriage Law. Some ugly things which has been eliminated since the founding of the New China have recurred. Crimes such as female infanticide, abuse of women, maltreatment of mothers who give birth to girl babied, and abduction and persecution of women and children have been reported from time to time. In conclusion, we can say that as long as the social values of work are not discussed in China, and work remains to be evaluated according to the production of surplus value, that is, as long as the commodity economy remains, women will tied down in their traditionally belittled roles. In other words, women are not liberated, What we need is not lofty, empty words, for even the 1980s CCP still sustains the ideological commitment to goals of gender equality, but actions.

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