문혁, 상흔, 기억, 서사

김진공 한국중국어문학회 2011 中國文學 Vol.66 No.-

現在有關文革的記憶話語上重要的問題不是`誰的記憶`而是`記憶的意圖是什?`。就是說,關鍵是査考那個文革記憶的發生背景,考慮那個記憶不只是過去事實的整理而是對當面現實的反應辨析那是對什?現實的什?反應。這樣才能正視圍繞那個記憶的復雜現實和歷史的地盤,能了解這個地盤上活動的每個記憶主體?文革的歷史繼續保持的現在性關系,使當地評价這個記憶的歷史意義。 這樣的想法應該在關于傷痕文學的討論上作爲前提,傷痕文學是知識分子層位的代表性記憶。硏究傷痕文學的旣有的種種看法,就是片面重視文學性或藝術性,單面批判傷痕文學?政治權力之間親密關系,把?只有看成知識分子經驗中心的限制性話語等,都不能把有關傷痕文學的議論引導建設性的方向。這必定導致關于文革記憶的議論發展到歪曲的方向。目前關于傷痕文學的硏究應該要作爲的起点是把議論的平台放在現實和歷史互相緊張接軌的接点上。這樣才發現傷痕文學的眞正价値。那個价値就在于克服因文革結束而改革開放開始來中國社會面對的記憶斷絶的危机,接線整個社會的過去-現在-未來的連續性,繼續書寫共同體的故事。

文革 시기의 문예 출판 동향

김진공 한국중국어문학회 2001 中國文學 Vol.35 No.-

本液文旨在遲逑牙於文革財期文亐出版狀況的分析, 具沐植消文革的業隋雇뀨逑程. 文革財期出版狀況的麥化是政治情勢査化臺接影晴到裡力的政榮而形成的. 所띨 宣是淡明文革雇汗逑程的業讀猜料. 종66年文革뀨賠到69年知涓辯年上山下多和堂딘兵遠刻的賠束, 文訖出版領域出琨了全遼否定的局面, 全面停止鎭刊的裳行和文亐作品的出版. 逑洋的狀況就是相鹿於文革高潮期根左形勢.70-71年是麥化的讀醮期. 72年後出版狀況的裵化泰面化了. 首先뀨賠文革以前出版物的再出版,包括魯迅的作品. 然後』坪출逃作家的作品刻作和出版. 述洋的解禁措施表明文革的淺行面悟橋本性特姿. 允其是74年後的出版狀況, 豫示了帳劉文革的培束.

시중(示衆), 삼돌출(三突出), 희생양

김진공 한국중국어문학회 2002 中國文學 Vol.37 No.-

本論文旨在運用法國文化批評家Rene Girard的替罪羊模式來解釋中國社會和文化的基層結構, 深入了解大衆的內面心理和行動因素. 本論文的分析對象是魯迅的作品裏基本體現的所謂`示衆`結構和文革時期樣板戱表露的所謂`三突出`結構. 表面上看, 魯迅的作品最近于Rene Girard的理論模式. 魯迅的作品基本體現的`示衆`結構不但是象徵性地反映他對沒有出路的現實感到絶望和苦悶, 而且在當時的中國現實裏廣範存在的實在情況. 魯迅的作品就是形象地描繪這個抑壓的現實結構的文本. 一般認爲, 文革時期的樣板戱表露的`三突出`結構?魯迅作品體現的`示衆`結構, 相差懸殊. 但仔細考察其內面的觸動因素, 發現到兩者之間內在着密切的聯係. 所謂`三突出`是樣板戱的創作原則. 其本來的意思是在所有人物中突出正面人物, 在正面人物中突出主要英雄人物, 在主要英雄人物中突出最主要的中心人物. 但?一出舞臺在觀衆面前上演, 中心人物ㆍ周邊人物ㆍ觀衆之間的關係就改變了. 舞臺上的周邊人物和舞臺下的觀衆一起形成圓形的包圍構圖, 這是?魯迅作品裏的`示衆`一樣的結構. 這樣看, 可以說文革時期的樣板就是魯迅作品裏的`示衆`顚倒的模式.

현대 중국의 문예대중화(文藝大衆化)를 보는 관점에 대한 재검토

김진공 한국중국어문학회 2004 中國文學 Vol.42 No.-

本論文旨在對于有關現代中國文藝大衆化運動的主要問題和槪念的再檢討. `文藝大衆化`是中國現代文藝運動史的核心部分. 其包括範圍不但限制在30年代初左翼作家聯盟的活動, 而涉及到中國現代文學的全般發展歷程. 不妨說以文學與政治之密切關係爲其主要特點的中國現代文學的發展歷程就等于文藝大衆化的開展過程. 本稿要提起的主要問題是所謂`大衆`這個集體的整體性問題. `大衆`這個集體的現存是旣往的文藝大衆化硏究中從未懷疑過的, 而也成爲文藝大衆化論爭和實踐的出發點. 但是有關`文藝大衆化`話語先驗地假設的自己一體化的`大衆`可能由目的論的政治觀念派生的, 缺乏現實根據的虛像. 本稿首先通過對于魯迅?茅盾兩大作者的觀點比較分析, 解釋當時知識分子對`大衆`認識的轉變. 而檢討30年代大衆語論爭, 說明當時知識分子觀念裏描繪的`大衆`是什?樣的形象.

문화대혁명 시기의 지청(知靑) 문학 연구

김진공 한국중국어문학회 2003 中國文學 Vol.40 No.-

知識靑年的上山下鄕是表露中華人民共和國建國以來當代歷史曲折的關鍵事件. 其事件的背景 包括建國以後經濟狀況的繼續惡化, 中國共塵黨的社會主義建設政策的部分失敗, 平等主義的旗幟下反而擴大深化的城市和農村之間的差距, 邁向未來的集體熱情和對現實不滿的個體心理的衝突等, 知靑的上山下鄕不是局限于文化大革命時期內的現像. 上山下鄕運動的起步是一九五三年. 其運動開始的根本原因繫于建國以後推進的社會主義建設政策. 一般說文革時期的紅衛兵和所謂`老三屆`等于知靑群體, 這樣的說法是不確切的. 知靑的上山下鄕是長達二十余年歷史的涉及人數超過二千萬的中國當代史上最重要事件之一. 本論文的主要目的是考察建國以來知靑上山下鄕的進行過程, 硏究的主要內容; 第一,知靑上山下鄕的起因和進程, 第二, 知靑題材或由知靑主體的文藝活動.

중국의 코로나19 사태와 사회 체제의 신뢰 위기

金震共 ( Kim Jingong ) 중국어문학회 2020 中國語文學誌 Vol.0 No.72

The COVID-19 epidemic, which began to spread from China’s Wuhan, illustrates why social trust is important in times of crisis. The purpose of this paper is to examine how the problem of the lack of social capital of trust has been amplified in China in recent years through the COVID-19 epidemic that exploded in Wuhan, and how it intensifies the crisis of the social system. The unstable response of China’s central and local governments in the event of a COVID-19 epidemic highlights the problems that are deepening in the Chinese political system since Xi Jinping took power. In addition, the process by which the Chinese community responds to the confusion caused by the COVID-19 epidemic shows how China’s social system is changing. The Communist Party and the government of China considered improving the national image damaged by the COVID-19 epidemic as a priority, but what the Chinese people urgently need to overcome the life crisis caused by the COVID-19 epidemic is rebuilding the social system, including collapsed base administration and medical and welfare services, safely restarting suspended economic activities, and restoring damaged trust in the social system. Overall, it is an important issue for Chinese society to not only restore collapsed social governance to its original state but also actively reform the problems of social governance revealed by the COVID-19 epidemic. In the wake of the COVID-19 epidemic, China has come to realize the need for social governance reform, and it has confirmed that the reform should start with the reform of the community system in the grass-root society.

문화대혁명(文化大革命) 시기 `양판(樣板)`의 형성과정

김진공 한국중국어문학회 2000 中國文學 Vol.34 No.-

`樣板戱`是代表文化大革命時期的藝術形式. 現代革命京劇<紅燈記> · <沙家浜> · <智取威虎山> · <奇襲白虎團> · <海港>· 芭雷舞劇<紅色娘于軍> · <白毛女>· 交響音樂<沙家浜>包括在內的所謂`八大樣板戱`, 由于政治權力的全面支持, 獨覇文革時期藝術舞臺. `樣板`這-槪念與樣板戱不可分離. 但`樣板`不能局限在藝術形式的範圍解釋. ?是文革的非正常歷史條件下形成的政治性槪念, 又是關注文革政治特點的象徵. ?的背後隱含着文革時期政治權力和大衆的不同感慾望和意圖. 一方面, 文革時期的政治權力願望創造出?蘇聯模式區別的新社會主義模式, 樣板就是他們的試驗田産生的新社會主義的典型人物. ?一方面, 文革時期的大衆由于處于長期持續的`戰時共産主義`的緊張狀態, 渴望解決他門精神危機的完美無疵的偶像, 樣板戱創造的英雄人物就是滿足他門慾望的偶像. 本論文檢討`樣板`的歷史的形成過程. 其中包括樣板的政治性意味的産生過程和所謂`八大樣板戱`的定立過程. 還有爲樣板戱提供理論根據的<紀要>也是本論文主要檢討對象之一.

80년대 이후 중국영화가 해석하는 문혁(文革)

김진공 한국중국어문학회 2001 中國文學 Vol.36 No.-

電影是重点反映同時代社會現實和大衆意識的藝術形態.所以分析當代電影主要表現的問題,可能理解到對同時代大衆意識關鍵影響的話語.80年代以後中國電影主要關心`文革`這個問題是?自然的現象. 但是由于政治社會情況的變化,每個時期電影描寫的文革也是露出不少的差異.本論文把那個多種多樣的文革表現區別成三個階段而檢討. 第一是文革結束以後到80年代中盤的所謂`傷痕`的作品.其中包括彭寧的《苦戀》,楊延晋 ㆍ鄧一民的《苦惱人的笑》, 騰文?的《生活的?音》,張一的《?》,謝晋的《天云山傳奇》.這樣的電影是?傷痕文學緊密聯系而産生的. 第二是所謂`第五代`導演的電影.陳凱歌的《覇王別姬》,田壯壯的《藍風?》,張藝謨的《活着》.這樣的電影反映了以紅衛兵身分經過文革的`第五代`的內面意識. 第三是`第五代`以後對文革認識變化的電影.代表的作品是姜文的《陽光燦爛的日子里》.張藝謨雖然屬于`第五代`,但是他的《秋菊打官司》和以後的《一個都不能少》 ㆍ《我的父親母親》也是露出對文革的認識變化的可能性而需要檢討.

누가 유랑하는 지구를 구할 것인가? — 영화 《유랑지구》와 중국의 ‘인류운명공동체’ 이념

김진공 중국어문학회 2019 中國語文學誌 Vol.0 No.68

The movie The Wandering Earth(流浪地球), which was released across China on Feb. 5, 2019, and set the second-highest-ever box office record following Wolf Warriors(戰狼)Ⅱ, not only became a huge hit in China, but also brought about a kind of cultural syndrome. Chinese media have claimed that the previous perception that successful SF films can only be made in Hollywood has been shattered by the success of The Wandering Earth. And they praised The Wandering Earth for paving the way for a Chinese-style SF, not a typical Hollywood SF. They said The Wandering Earth’s success was made possible by the addition of Chinese narratives to large-scale capital and high-tech, which are essential for SF films. But there are other reasons why The Wandering Earth has gained more attention than box office success in China. That’s because The Wandering Earth is a film that embodies the ideology of the “a community with a shared future for mankind(人類命運共同體)”, a key discourse of foreign policy pursued by the Xi Jinping regime. What is the “a community with a shared future for mankind” ideology and why has it emerged so important at this point? The “a community with a shared future for mankind” has emerged as a key ideology for discourse competition with the U.S. and has gained important strategic value as a justification and propaganda tool for carrying out the “The Belt and Road Initiative(一帶一路)” project. Taking a look at the process of establishing the “a community with a shared future for mankind” ideology as a core discourse of foreign policy and giving important strategic value by linking it with “The Belt and Road Initiative” after the 18th Chinese Communist Party Congress, we can see how China is trying to establish relations with the world and the U.S. and lead in what direction. 2019년 2월 5일 중국 전역에서 개봉되어 《전랑(戰狼)2)》에 이은 역대 2위의 흥행 기록을 세운 영화 《유랑지구(流浪地球)》는 중국에서 흥행에 크게 성공했을 뿐 아니라, 일종의 문화적 신드롬을 불러 일으켰다. 중국의 언론매체들은 성공적인 SF 영화 제작은 헐리웃에서나 가능한 일이라는 기존 인식이 《유랑지구》의 등장을 계기로 깨지게 되었다고 주장했다. 그리고 한 걸음 더 나아가, 《유랑지구》가 전형적인 헐리웃식의 SF가 아닌 중국식 SF의 길을 열어주었다고 높이 평가했다. 그들은 《유랑지구》의 성공이, SF 영화를 위해 필수적인 대규모 자본과 첨단기술에 중국식 서사가 더해짐으로써 가능해졌다고 보았다. 그러나 중국에서 《유랑지구》가 흥행 성공 이상으로 주목을 받은 데는 다른 이유가 있다. 그것은 《유랑지구》가, 시진핑 체제가 추진하는 대외정책의 핵심 담론인 ‘인류운명공동체’ 이념을 구현하는 영화기 때문이다. ‘인류운명공동체’ 이념이란 무엇이며, 왜 지금 시점에서 이렇게 중요하게 부각되었는가? ‘인류운명공동체’는 미국과의 담론권 경쟁을 위한 핵심 이념으로서 부각되었고, ‘일대일로’ 프로젝트 실행을 위한 명분이자 선전 도구로서 중요한 전략적 가치를 얻게 되었다. 제18차 당 대회 이후 시진핑 체제가 ‘인류운명공동체’ 이념을 대외정책의 핵심 담론으로 확립하고, ‘일대일로’와 연결하여 중요한 전략적 가치를 부여하는 과정을 살펴보면, 중국이 세계 및 미국과의 관계를 어떻게 설정하고 어떤 방향으로 이끌어가려 하는지 알 수 있다.

장원(姜文)의 영화 『랑즈단페이(讓子彈飛)』는 무엇을 부정하는가?

김진공 한국중국현대문학학회 2018 中國現代文學 Vol.0 No.86

Jiang Wen(姜文)'s film Let The Bullets Fly(让子弹飞), which was screened in 2010 and earned a lot of box office revenue, is known for its films commemorating the 100th anniversary of the Revolution of 1911(辛亥革命). The film plot can be regarded as a sequel of the Revolution of 1911, and the message that the director is talking about is also related to the revolution. However, if we analyze the film deeply, we can see that the film has more controversial meaning than the 100th anniversary of the Revolution of 1911. In order to understand the work more deeply, it is necessary to think about when the movie was screened. When the film was screened, the global economy began to panic in the US due to the global financial crisis. In this crisis, China recognizes the problems of the global economy and global order led by the United States and seeks to become a powerful country that confronts the United States. China also wants to present a new universal value to the world that replaces the Western universal values ​​of liberty, democracy and human rights. Through the 19th National Conference of the Communist Party of China in 2017, China emphasizes the necessity of constructing ‘a community with a shared future for mankind(人类命运共同体)' and presents concepts such as ‘fairness(公平)' and ‘justice’ to the world as a new universal value to replace Western universal values. Let The Bullets Fly is a film based on the changes of China after the global financial crisis. However, in this film, director Jiang Wen criticizes China for shouting the universal value of ‘fairness' to the world. In China, social and economic inequalities are becoming more and more intrinsic, and external conflicts and territorial disputes continue. director Jiang Wen thinks China is the place where ‘fairness' is most needed. He thinks that China should implement ‘fairness' first, not to shout ‘fairness' toward the outside. He argues that China should sincerely reflect on the history of the Revolution of 1911 and the China's socialist revolution, which attempted to realize the value of equality earlier. Because the criticism is so aggressive, the film seems to deny the significance of the Chinese revolution. However, this is not the intention of the director. It is the great ability of director Jiang Wen to choose such a controversial theme at a subtle period of controversy when making a movie.