學校 Communication 硏究를 위한 理論的 考察

金億煥,吳聖三 건국대학교 행정대학원 1978 建國大學校 行政大學院 硏究論叢 Vol.6 No.-

Piaget의 理論에 基礎한 幼兒의 論理ㆍ數學的 思考能力 指導戰略

金億煥 건국대학교 교육대학원 1983 敎育論叢 Vol.3 No.-

피아제 이론과 열린교과교육 수업모형의 고찰

김억환 한국열린교육학회 1993 열린교육연구 Vol.2 No.-

뤼시엥 골드만의 마르크스주의적 휴머니즘

김억환 건국대학교 1991 學術誌 Vol.35 No.1

Goldmann's Marxist humanism builds on the work of the young Georg Luka´cs, but transforms it because Goldmann endeavored to retain Lukacs' method while rejecting his politics. As a result, Goldmann's work may be seen as an embodiment of many of the tensions within Western Marxism. Goldmann's originality is primarily in his attempt to conceptualize the process of collective action. He does this through a synthesis of the ideas of Luka´cs and the genetic structuralism of Jean Piaget. This laid the foundation for Goldmann's critique of structuralism. For Goldmann, historical action and cultural creation are products of groups and not individual alone. Collective actors, which he called "transindividual subjects", are composed of individuals with common "mental structures" resulting from their attempts to adapt to their environment on the basis of a common socio-political and historical situation. This notion of "trans-individual subject" fills a lacuna in Luka´cs' work: it explicates the structural relation between individual and class consciousness. The notion of "totality" was central to both Goldmann's method and his political aspiration, He envisioned totality in terms of a dialectic of the whole and the parts, in which the parts are neither subsumed by the whole, no comprehensible apart from it. Goldmann saw "authentic community" as a totality which is a precondition for the realization of the individual. Marxism, for Goldmann, was the pinnacle of western humanism.

人間資源開發의 理論과 實際에 關한 小考

金億煥,孫泰根 건국대학교 교육대학원 1981 敎育論叢 Vol.1 No.-

Today, the production process of a highly developed industrial society does not only observe the importance of physical production but also sees the magnitude that demands the human resource development which has the inevitable interrelationship over the total production and consumption process. Now, Korea is just getting out of one of developing nations and she is in the middle of endeavoring to reach the line of advanced nations. For the human resource development in Korea, therefore, it would be adequately justifiable that she must attempt and implement the human resource development according to a newly demanding concept of activity from the standpoint that she is developing further form the previous effort of partial job training, education and development. From this study, to begin with the concept and definition of human resource development, the background setting and needs were observed. The process of historical development in the human resource development(HRD) was also briefly reviewed and then the activity area of HRD was lastly studied. In introducing and discussing the theory and practice of human resource development, this paper will contain two parts for the study. Therefore, this study will be part Ⅰ and part Ⅱ will be written later centering the role and methodology of human resource development.

新비고츠키 인지발달 이론모형

김억환 건국대학교 교육대학원 1996 敎育論叢 Vol.27 No.-

外國大學의 敎養敎育 改革動向 : England, Harvard and Columbia

金億煥 건국대학교 교육대학원 1986 敎育論叢 Vol.5 No.-

This article describes the recent trends in general education of new universities in England, Harvard University, and Columbia University, in an attempt to suggest a new direction for curriculum revision in general education for Korean universities. The article surveyed the background history of each institution in general education program to show how the current status of the program has emerged, and, on the basis of the recent trend and the logic of implementing new general education program, suggested what the direction should be for our universities.

Piaget 理論의 敎育的 適用

金億煥,方琦鎬 건국대학교 교육대학원 1989 敎育論叢 Vol.11 No.-

數學學力의 國際比較硏究 : 中學敎 2學年生을 對象으로

金億煥,吳聖三,黃溢 건국대학교 1991 學術誌 Vol.35 No.1

The title of this, Mathematics Achievement of Korean Students, suggests that from one culture to another, differing average levels of student achievement reflect differing aspirations with regard to education. Each culture has its idiosyncratic set of values and goes through cycles in which certain aspects of its schools' curricula are considered more important than others. Some societies expect educational institutions to achieve a whole range of goals haying to do with physical and social as well as educational development, while others confine their focus to a narrower set of learning tasks. Within each society, educators establish specific objectives for what is taught and define a sequence for instruction; these factors differ from place to place. This variation is understandable and reasonable and underscores the folly of viewing comparative achievement results as an olympiad with narrowly defined rules and criteria. Twenty countries participated in the Second International Mathematics Study (SIMS). From each population, a representative sample of 13-year-olds was assessed in mathematios. Students were administered a 45-minute mathematics assessment consisting 40 questions of form A and 45-minute form B made up of 35 questions. Questions were transited from English to Korean and the back-translated versions were compaired with the original English to ensure that the translations were accurate. 1,507 Korean students of 13 years old were stratified randomly sampled to compare Mathematics acheivement score with those of twenty other country students'. As a result, Korea's 13-year-olds achieved the highest average mathematics proficiency score, 64.09 well above the mean of 47.08.

Piaget의 認識論에 비추어 본 知識의 社會的 性格

金億煥 건국대학교 1988 學術誌 Vol.32 No.1

The study attempted to explore the nature of social knowledge in light of Piagetian epistemology, which has been quite ignored among the studies of Piaget's theory. Traditionally sociology's concern with knowledge has been limited to a preoccupation with its own epistemological foundations at the expense of understanding the factors which shape ordinary people's knowledge. Because it has dealt with knowledge from a philosophical point of view, it has insulated itself from alternative ways of understanding process of knowledge. Sociology's attachment to a dualistic conception of the relationship between knowledge and its object poses insurmountable barriers to the clarification of the character of the relationship between knowledge and social structure. What is distinctive about Piagetian view of social knowledge is that, instead of viewing knowledge as an internal representation of an external object, Piaget depicts the knowing subject as inextricably related to the object of knowledge. Knowledge is defined in terms of sets of potential actions that the subject might perform on the object world. The development of knowledge in the individual occurs through the resolution of contradictions that the individual experiences in actual actions performed on the object world. The objects of experience include both physical and social objects. The relations that the subject establishes with the world of physical objects are analogous to the relations which are established with social objects. Thus social relationships are merely one class among a whole sets of relationships which the subject establishes with his environment. Certainly the same cognitive structures underlie the subjects relationships to physical as to social objects. But social objects are different in that they may also be considered as co-subjects. They also think and act like the subject and during the process of development the individual is constrained to take account of the thoughts and actions of others not just as objects of perception, but as other knowers with whom the individual's own thought must be integrated.