제국(帝國)에서 제국성(帝國性) 국민국가(國民國家)로(1) -제국의 구조와 이념-

전인갑 한국중국학회 2012 중국학보 Vol.65 No.-

爲什마要在現階段分析中國的帝國屬性니? 首先是因爲有必要把硏究的觀點從傳統時代和近現代之間的斷絶性轉變爲타們之間的連續性. 學界的主流學說是將傳統時代和近現代曆史相分離進行解釋. 也就是說, ``中華帝國``滅亡後, 國民國家成爲替代``中華帝國``的新的支配體制. 這種認識是以對``西歐中心主義支配體制的曆史體系``的``確信``爲基礎的. 這種``確信``是中國停滯論, 乃至東方學派不可否認的前提, 幷且將中國的帝國體制淪落爲壹種需要克服幷斷絶的遺産. 但最近開始慢慢出現試圖將中國的帝國體制及其替代物-國民國家看做是支配體制變化的壹種過程的動向. 全球化時代的今天, 分析中華帝國和近代國民國家之間關系的傳統理論-革命的斷絶性的意義逐漸被削弱, 反而從``中華帝國``的連續性的角度理解現在的中國的必要性逐漸加强. 這時, 也可以發現將現在的國民國家理解爲, 在新時代環境下重建帝國遺産的可能性. 況且, 考慮到21世紀的中國正在擴充作爲帝國所需的內涵, 而且不可能在短時期內創造這種內涵的事實, 將帝國體制和國民國家分開理解的方法只能更加錯誤地理解現中國支配體制的本質特征或作爲區域帝國的作用的擴大. 這在韓國制定未來戰略的過程中, 會起到消極作用. 즌樣理解中國的區域帝國化和隨之發生的變化, 是韓國學界面臨的重大課題. 雖然在短暫的冷戰時期韓國幾乎근中國沒有任何的交流, 但這是壹種極其例外的現象, 可以說不過是壹種偶然事件. 雖然中國現在還沒有能力在全歐洲範圍內試圖開展帝國計劃, 但在亞洲已經確立了地區帝國的地位. 而且包括韓國在內的周邊國家迅速卷入到中國作爲地區帝國創造的선渦之中. 鑒于在長期的韓中關系中積累的曆史經驗, 韓國只能對中國的這種動向表現出敏感的反應. 韓國關注中國的帝國體制和帝國屬性的現實理由也在于此. 最近中國的學界也開始將帝國的遺産刻畵爲建設中國未來的主要資産. 這種認識是與5·4時期開始進行的否定傳統的浪潮相反的, 是肯定從經營帝國的經驗和曆史中形成的社會、經濟、文化、經濟的積累. 借此, 我們可以認識到中國的知識結構從對傳統的否定轉變爲對傳統的肯定. 這種轉變歸根結底是對經營帝國的經驗和中華文化的肯定. 鑒于以過去爲模型策劃未來的中國文化史的慣性, 我們可以預見到這將會這用于擴充新帝國的軟實力. 在此, 我們可以再次認識到探索能구綜合考察中國的過去、現在和未來的學問的必要性. 這就是關注中國的帝國屬性和帝國秩序的穩定性的原因. 據此, 我們可以弄淸楚形成幷維持中國的帝國體制的結構, 從而可以조到不受王朝和政體變化的影響, 而不斷向外擴張 幷加强其穩定性的原因. 而且還可以조到繼承帝國遺産的現中國能구合幷爲``壹個中國``的原因. 本硏究中所說的帝國是指, 作爲壹種國家形態(統治體制)的帝國. 與現在的國家形態-國民國家不同, 帝國是以廣闊的領土、空間的組織能力、語言和宗敎的多洋性、文明的主動權等爲其特征. 帝國通過利用基于官僚體制形成的直接統治和羈미政策等手段, 將擴大的領域合幷爲壹個政治單位. 而且創造 幷這用能구整合語言、宗敎、文化等多洋性的規律, 從而具備了能安定帝國的能力. 當然, 壓倒性的軍事力量、經濟實力和强有力的稅收控制力(材政)是支撑這種規律的核心因素. 本文著重考査了帝國的結構和理念.

대청제국체제(大淸帝國體制) 내 조선국왕의 법적 위상―국왕에 대한 의처(議處)·벌은(罰銀)을 중심으로―

이재경 ( Lee Jae-kyung ) 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2019 民族文化硏究 Vol.83 No.-

조선과 청 사이에 君臣關係가 확립된 이후 18세기 후반에 이르기까지, 청의 禮部는 여러 차례 조선국왕의 잘못에 대한 처벌을 논의하여[議處] 上奏하였다. 많은 경우 청의 황제는 처벌을 면해주었으나, 康熙 5년(1666), 康熙 21년(1682), 康熙 25년(1686)에는 조선국왕에게 罰銀을 부과하였다. 조선국왕에 대한 청의 議處·罰銀은 청의 王公 및 官員에 대한 징계, 즉 處分 제도의 일환이었다. 조선국왕에 대한 議處·罰銀은 入關 이전부터 宗室 및 몽골 王公에 준하여 상정되었으며, 順治·康熙 연간을 거쳐 處分의 일환으로 제도적으로 자리매김하였다. 조선국왕에 대한 議處·罰銀은 정치적 제재나 禮的 問罪라기보다는 본질적으로 법적 처벌로서의 성격을 띠며, 청과 조선 양국은 공히 이를 인지하고 있었다. 청은 조선국왕이 청의 法令을 지켜야 하고, 이를 어길 경우 處分의 대상이 될 수 있다고 간주하였으며, 조선국왕에 대한 議處·罰銀 과정에서 청의 법률을 적용하였다. 청의 법적 처벌 대상으로 간주되었다는 점에서 大淸帝國體制 내 조선국왕의 법적 위상은 명대의 위상과는 차이가 있었고, 安南을 비롯한 기타 조공국의 군주와도 구분되었다. 그러나 다른 한편으로 조선국왕은 청의 封爵 체계에 포섭되어 降等이나 革職을 비롯한 보다 직접적 처벌의 대상이 되었던 청의 王公 및 官員과도 구별되었다. 이러한 차이는 궁극적으로 청이 조선국왕을 청과 구분되는 일국의 군주로 바라보고 있었기 때문에 생겨난 것으로 보인다. 조선국왕이 大淸帝國體制 내에서 지녔던 법적 위상은 통시적으로도, 공시적으로도 유례를 찾아보기 힘든 특수한 것이었다. In the modern international system, one country does not have legal jurisdiction on deeds of another nation according to the practice of state immunity. Things were basically similar in premodern East Asian “tributary system”. While Chinese dynasties insisted their universal supremacy over their neighbors in the ritual sphere, most of the time they couldn't exercise their legal jurisdiction beyond their border onto their tributary “vassals”. However, that was not the case in the 17-18th century Choson-Qing relationship. From Chongde to Kangxi reign (1636-1722), Qing government frequently deliberated on the wrongdoings of Choson kings and requested to impose fine on the king with a certain amount of silver. Qing emperors usually ordered to stop the discussion or forgave the wrongdoings, but Kangxi emperor actually sentenced King Hyeonjong and King Sookjong to silver fines in 1666, 1682, and 1686. The silver fines imposed on Choson kings were not a mere diplomatic sanction, but an application of Qing legal disciplinary measures, the Chufen system. If Qing princes, nobles, or officials committed minor offenses, relevant authorities (i.e. the board of personnel) took charge of the cases and executed proper punishments including fining (i.e. silver), forfeiting of salary, demotion, and dismissal. From the beginning of the tributary relationship, the Manchus tried to indict and punish Choson kings according to their own legal practices for the imperial princes and the Mongol vassals. The practice of imposing silver fines on Choson kings was gradually developed through the Shunzhi and Kangxi reigns and legislated during the Yongzheng period. Both Qing and Choson regarded the silver fines on Choson kings as a legal punishment, not a ritual admonition. Qing government assumed the king of Choson should abide by Qing regulations, and keep his subjects from breaching Qing legal order. If he failed his duty, he should be punished according to Qing laws. On the other hand, Choson elites also regarded the fines as legal punishments, an unacceptable humiliation on their king, and an embarrassment which should be avoided at all cost. Qing’s legal jurisdiction on the king of Choson was not a mere continuation of Ming Chinese tradition. Also, no other tributary sovereigns were regarded as possible targets of a legal indictment and silver fine during the whole Qing era. Therefore, the king of Choson was different from Qing’s any other tributary sovereigns. On the other hand, along with Qing imperial princes, Mongol nobles, and Qing officials, the kings of Choson could be punished by the Qing government with disciplinary measures. However, the Qing government could only impose fine on the king of Choson, while it could demote, dismiss, or even execute Qing princes and officials fully according to Qing law. Qing emperors and officials acknowledged that Choson was a “foreign country”, and regarded the king of Choson as “the sovereign in his own kingdom”. Except for matters directly related to the Qing empire, the king of Choson fully exercised his absolute power in his own realm just as other tributary sovereigns. In that respect, we can conclude that Choson king’s legal status in the Qing imperial order was a synchronically and diachronically unique one.

梁啓超의 ‘帝國’論과 ‘大淸帝國’의 國體

?址? 동양사학회 2015 東洋史學硏究 Vol.132 No.-

17~18세기 전반 몽골문 史書의 大元帝國 역사 서술

權容徹(Kwon Yong-Cheol) 동양사학회 2014 東洋史學硏究 Vol.128 No.-

東珠와 珍珠 ― 淸初 만주 황실의 眞珠 채취와 소비 ―

임경준 동양사학회 2022 東洋史學硏究 Vol.161 No.-

Since ancient times, freshwater pearls have been the signature specialty of Manchuria. The Manchus used tana and nicuhe to distinguish pearls, so while tana was a name derived from the Mongolian language, nicuhe was an indigenous term in the Manchu language. In the process of being influenced by the Mongolian language, it is assumed that the name differentiation was made so that tana denotes a high-grade pearl and nicuhe denotes a less valuable pearl. On the other hand, in historical materials in Chinese classics, the name changed according to the location of the place of consumption and the place of production. Pearls produced in Manchuria were called 'beizhu' in the Song dynasty, but the name was changed to 'dongzhu' in the Ming dynasty due to the changing position of the Song and Ming dynasties to the manchuria. After that, in the Qing period, the Manchu word tana and the Chinese word dongzhu were established corresponding to each other. Dongzhu gained prominence as a highly valued commodity at the end of the Ming dynasty. The huge profits that could be accumulated by trading dongzhu and other natural resources of Manchuria with the Ming dynasty, on the one hand, evoked the fierce competition of Jurchen's forces, but on the other hand, it also served as a detonator that promoted the amalgamation of forces. Nurhaci was able to establish the Manju Gurun by succeeding in the concession struggle over dongzhu. The unification of Manchuria by Nurhaci at the end of the 16th century and the subsequent establishment of the Manju Gurun, in other words, is the result of the politics of an aggressive trade in popular commodities such as dongzhu. The imperial court of the Qing dynasty consumed pearls for a variety of uses. The most frequent examples are the gifts of the monarch. Nurhaci and Hongtaiji gave pearls to the military commander who submitted to them. At the same time, when the princes of the royal family got married, the princes and son-in-law were given pearls. Widely used as gifts to be sent abroad, pearls were also sent to warlords of hostile countries and the Mongol chieftaincy. Pearls were also used in the court robes of the Qing dynasty, and only a small number of people were allowed to wear dongzhu in their court robes. The Qing dynasty initially authorized only the powerful classes of the state to extract pearls and other natural resources of Manchuria. But Nurhaci gradually begins to recover these privileges. Measures taken in 1622 made private appropriation of natural resources impossible and shifted the responsibility for their management to the state. Such a measure would seem to imply a shift to a monarch-centric system that would deprive the powerful of their vested privileges, but an immediate understanding of this shift as monarch-centric requires a more cautious approach. The elites of the Qing dynasty still participated in the collection of natural resources like pearls, and their authority was recognized by the state.

入關前 淸朝의 議政大臣 설치와 皇帝·旗王 관계

임경준(林?俊) 동양사학회 2021 東洋史學硏究 Vol.157 No.-

滿洲皇帝, 西洋人 그리고 漢人 ― 敎皇 特使 중국 방문(1705)에 대한 康熙帝의 대처를 중심으로 ―

姜元?(Wonmook Kang) 동양사학회 2021 東洋史學硏究 Vol.155 No.-

This article examines the Kangxi emperor’s response to the Rites Controversy during his late reign. From the late 1690s to 1710s, while the emperor was struggling to consolidate the Qing rule over the Han world, he encountered a severe challenge, i.e., some Xiyang people’s denial of seminal Chinese rites. Moreover, in 1707, the Xiyang legate Charles-Thomas Maillard de Tournon proclaimed a full-scale ban on those Chinese rites in Nanjing, the symbolic place for the Han tradition. What did a series of challenges mean to the Manchu ruler? Noticing some subtle changes among the Xiyang people, in fact, Xuanye had already kept his eye on Xiyang affairs through his diverse intelligence channels since the end of 1700. And in July of 1705, reported about the papal legate’s sudden visit to the Qing Empire, the emperor immediately decided to wage a ‘battle’ with the legate. During that ‘battle’, however, Xuanye’s primary concern lay more on the Han constituents of its empire than the Xiyang people. Much conscious of the Han elite, the emperor, for example, controlled the legate’s attire on the way through China Proper, the Han world, and let his imperial orders be delivered only in Manchu and be carried out by only a small circle of his close people. Despite diverse efforts, the Rites Controversy continued unsolved. Moreover, from August 1706, the Kangxi emperor began to recognise that the Rites Controversy issue had already been disturbing the Han elite across the provinces. Therefore, the emperor launched secret investigations throughout the empire. Simultaneously, he suspended his imperial mission to Rome, which had already left for Rome, and arrested Luigi Antonio Appiani on his way to the southern provinces. In the end, the emperor announced the imperial judgement on the Rites Controversy and decided his sixth Southern Tour to Jiangnan, the Han centre. In early April 1707, however, the emperor became more shocked after knowing that Tournon had recently proclaimed the full-scale ban on the Chinese Rites at Nanjing. From then on, his response became more active and swift. Privately, he wrote a series of imperial letters to Xiyang missionaries. Publicly, in Nanjing, where de Tournon’s ban had been proclaimed lately, the Manchu emperor as well proclaimed an imperial edict, in which he notably portrayed himself as the guardian of Chinese culture. At the same time, he removed the ‘uncontrollable, heterodox’ elements from the Han elite’s sight by expelling Tournon and those who refused to accept the permit.

몽골과 바다

박원길 한국몽골학회 2009 몽골학 Vol.0 No.26

Mongolian is nomad people. But they recognized sea through some big lakes like Khobsgol or Kölen. Mogolian got into contact with Tibetan Buddhism in 16th century. After making religious connection between Mongol and Tibet, Altan Khan, a leader of Mongol gave Tibetan Buddhism’s leader the name of Dalai-lama. Dalai-lama means big and deep like sea. The Mongols conquered their territory with nothing more than a few thousands of the best archers the world has ever known. According to the extension of the empire, the Mongols also tempted to extend toward sea. They wanted to connect Eurasian route with sea route for promoting world-wide trade. The symbol of jointing route is Khan-Balig, capital of Yeke Yüan Ulus. Khubilai Khagan and his successors selected a group of islands of the western sea in Korea dynasty to go into banishment. So a lot of noble Mongols arrived here and died. Tamra island was very especially connected with Khubilai Khagan. The early period of Ming dynasty, Mongol's Liang-wang and his family which resided in Winnan province were exiled to Tamra island.