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정태환(Jung Tae-hwan) 고려대학교 한국학연구소 2005 한국학연구 Vol.23 No.-
이 논문의 목적은 국민의 지지를 획득하기 위해 실시된 김영삼 개혁정치의 성격을 규명하는 것이다. 김영삼의 집권으로 군사정권은 퇴진하였지만, 군사정권하에 형성된 정치적 작동방식과 권위주의적 문화는 지속되었다. 김영삼은 군사정권의 유산을 한국병으로 지칭하고, 각종비리척결작업과 금융실명제 실시 등의 전격적 개혁을 감행함으로써 국민의 절대적 지지를 받았다. 개혁정치를 통한 국민의 지지로 김영삼은 권력기반을 강화하고, 반김영삼세력이 결집할 수 있는 기회와 자원을 봉쇄하였다. 그러나 김영삼의 개혁정치는 기득권세력의 공격 때문에 후퇴할 수밖에 없었다. 군부세력의 연대세력은 사회각계에 포진되어 있었기 때문에 일시에 제거하기는 불가능하였다. 특히 개혁이 경제분야로 확대되어감에 따라 재벌을 중심으로 한 경제운영의 주체가 사보타지를 벌렸고, 결국 세계화라는 명분으로 친재벌정책으로 선회할 수밖에 없었다. 지역주의적 정치형태도 김영삼지지의 확대범위를 제한하였다. 국민의 개혁에 대한 지지가 절대적이었음에도 불구하고 선거에서는 신한국당의 지지로 연결되지 못하였다. 김영삼은 경북-대구지역에서의 구민정당 정치인들에 대한 지지, 충청권에서의 김종필에 대한 지지, 그리고 호남에서의 김대중에 대한 지지 등의 지역적 정치형태를 변경할 수가 없었다. 개혁정치의 실패와 지지확대의 실패의 주요 원인은 김영삼의 정치방식에도 있었다. 김영삼의 개혁추진방식은 예측불가능 한 형태로 진행되었다. 특히 김영삼의 통일에 대한 인식부족과 대북관의 혼란스러움으로 대북정책은 원칙도 없이 변화하였다. 김영삼은 개혁추진과정에서 진정한 개혁의 주체인 국민들을 완전히 소외시켰고, 국민의 참여를 원천적으로 봉쇄하였다. 그래서 김영삼정권은 문민독재정권이라고 비판받았다. 권력의 핵심이었던 김영삼의 아들 김현철이 비리사건으로 구속되자 김영삼의 레임덕현상은 가속화되었다. The purpose of the paper is to clarify the character of Kim Young Sam's reform politics which intended to increase his popularity and to mobilize his political support among Korean masses. The core of the Kim Young Sam's reform measures was democratization which aimed to liquidate the wrongs of the authoritarian military rule and to build an open democratic system in Korea. Although popular demands for democratization came forth for the first civilian regime in 32 years in 1993, powerful establishment members of the old order still existed. The target of the reform, therefore, was to exclude those who had benefited under the military regimes, and to correct the authoritarian modus operandi which had been formed under them. Mr. Kim employed a blitzkrieg tactic to remove high ranking military personnels identified with past regimes, and established a real banking system which aimed to cut a chain of corruption that had prevailed under them. Mr. Kim, however, was faced with twin and often conflicting challenges of democratization and economic reform. As he moved on to reform the economy, the establishments of the old order began to unite and retaliate Kim's policy. The reforms also brought about a souring of relations between the regime and the monopoly chaebol that made up the core of Korean capital. Faced with a strong opposition, Kim's regime created the environment by seeking reconciliation and cooperation with the former ruling clique, and gave in and helped the chaebols to rebuild the economy. On foreign policy side, Kim's reform politics was one of meandering, no more evident in the handling of Pyongyang's suspected nuclear weapons development. The incoherence of the policy intensified conflicts between progressives and conservatives and created disharmony and discord in America-Korea's mutual policy toward North Korea. Finally, Kim's reform politics were criticized by both progressives and conservatives, and failed to increase his popular support. Graft scandals around his son, uncooperative bureaucrats under a lame duck president, passage of labor law by surprise tactics led the Korean economy to a national economic crisis, and ruined Kim's reform politics entirely.
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1950년대 후반 이승만정권의 ‘권력복합체’ 형성과 운영
이혜영(Yi Hye-young) 한국역사연구회 2019 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.112
Examined in this article is a core power group which supported and sustained Rhee Syngman’s one-man ruling of the country in the late 1950s. So far, this issue was mostly examined within studies that focused on the ruling party Jayu-dang(Liberal Party). According to those studies, coming into the late 1950s an oligarchy-type elite group -composed of several officials including Yi Ki-bung was formed within the Liberal Party, and from 1959 till the next year(when the regime collapsed), the party practically run the country from a dominant status, even sidelining the executive(administrative) branch. This kind of approach allowed us to view the Liberal Party which had only been considered as a tool for Rhee Syngman’s governing so far as yet another political entity that composed the very structure of governance. Yet at the same time, such studies -which also tended to ‘narrow’ the examination to the Liberal Party itself- ended up only discussing whether the party was able to serve as an actual ruling party or not, or emphasizing the existence of oligarchic elite group connecting the party and the cabinet and the expansion of the party"s influence in the operation of the state. In this article a larger focus will be placed on all three sources of power: the Liberal Party, the government’s Cabinet and the Presidential residence, Gyeongmudae[secretariat]. How they connected themselves with each other, and functioned within a singular structure, will be examined. Results indicate that there was a core power group -with Yi Ki-bung at the center- that connected all the above three sources, featuring a radial human network originating from Yi. Also confirmed is that there was a limit to the party’s control over the cabinet, and that the party and the cabinet had quite a ‘checks and balance’ sort of dynamic between them.
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