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      • KCI등재

        Russia’s Reassessment of the Korean Peninsula

        Gilbert Rozman 통일연구원 2015 International journal of korean unification studie Vol.24 No.2

        Russia is impatient for action on the Korean Peninsula, which it views through the lens of the world order established by its victory in 1945. Given Russian views of China’s sinocentric approach, the U.S. antibyungjin approach, and South Korea’s Eurasian Initiative, a hardline “turn to North Korea” is not surprising. As part of the “turn to the East,” this reflects three factors: historical national identity, geopolitical strategy, and geo-economic developmental plans for the Russian Far East. The result is increased encouragement for North Korea and increased pressure on South Korea with the implicit threat of tilting further to the North if recent policy, such as Park Geun-hye’s snubbing of Putin’s invitations, is not changed. While the North Koreans are playing Moscow off against Beijing, the northern triangle is more complicated than that. Russia’s “turn to China” and Pyongyang’s need for Beijing are likely to put Beijing in the driver’s seat as the next stages of diplomatic maneuvering unfold.

      • KCI등재

        South Korean-Japanese Relations as a Factor in Stunted Regionalism

        Gilbert Rozman(길버트 로즈만) 고려대학교 일민국제관계연구원 2006 국제관계연구 Vol.11 No.1,2

        지역주의를 추구하는데 있어 미약한 중일관계가 장애로 작용되었을 뿐만 아니라 한일관계 역시 지역주의의 중요한 축이 되는 데 실패했다. 탈냉전 이후 지역주의를 추구하는 여러 국면에서 한일관계는 우선시되지 못했다. 2005년에 한일관계가 악화된 원인으로는 몇 가지 명백한 도발 행위 이외에도 전략적 사고에 있어서 양국간의 근본적 차이가 자리하고 있다. 일본의 유엔 상임이사국 진출, 6자회담 접근 방법, 동아시아 정상회의 구상 등에 있어 양국간의 충돌은 이러한 전략적 차이를 더욱 심화시켰다. 한일 간 공동전략 없이, 동북아 역내 지역주의는 단지 동남아 지역주의 발전에 보조를 맞추는 정도의 수준에서 더디게 발전할 수밖에 없을 것이다. 만일 양국간 전략적 차이를 극복하지 못한다면 중일관계마저 개선될 가능성이 더욱 희박해질 것이다.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        Reshuffling Priorities for Northeast Asian Security: Revisionism, Regionalism, Reunification, and Realism

        Gilbert Rozman 한국학술연구원 2007 Korea Observer Vol.38 No.2

        Northeast Asia reached a crossroads in 2005. Revisionism intensified with Japan’s assertive and insensitive handling of its historical legacy, as South Korea and China contem-plated revisionist moves of their own. Their conflicting strategies for regionalism were tested in preparations for the first East Asian Summit, as China took the lead in pressing for faster integration while Japan grew more wary of its apparent interest in gaining dominance and South Korea narrowed its focus. As the Six-Party Talks faced a turning point, Seoul’s rush to accelerate inter-Korean inte-gration clashed with other notions of reunification, espe-cially with Tokyo’s priority on abductions and the efforts by Washington and Beijing to narrow their distance on dealing with the nuclear weapons and materials in the North. On all sides, there was a shortage of realist measures to prioritize stability. Each side’s ideological inclinations compounded the emotional responses of public opinion, and the situation in 2006 was slow to improve until Chinese overtures to Ja-pan and the North Korean nuclear test laid the foundation for new responses. In 2007 the balance of priorities across the region remains in doubt.

      • KCI등재

        History as an Arena of Sino-Korean Conflict and the Role of the United States

        Gilbert Rozman 경남대학교 극동문제연구소 2012 ASIAN PERSPECTIVE Vol.36 No.2

        During 2009–2011, Chinese writings on South Korea and the history of the Korean nation grew more somber in tone. They widened the national identity gap at the same time the gap was being widened with the United States and Japan. Views of successive periods grew more negative. Chinese authors wrote that Koreans should look back with gratitude rather than resentment at having been China’s neighbor in premodern times. They sided with North Korea and Roh Moo-hyun in their stress on insufficient South Korean vigilance in dealing with collaborators and the legacy of Japan’s occupation. Mainstream Chinese coverage of the Korean War ignores who invaded and why in order to emphasize the US entry into the war as an imperialist aggressor and China’s just involvement. The legacy of the anticommunism of the Cold War era is deemed to persist after both the democratization of South Korea and the normalization with China that followed. Thus, history pervades Chinese writings on South Korea. North Korea fares much better by comparison.

      • KCI등재

        The Role of Northeast Asian Cities in a Global Urban Network

        Gilbert Rozman 한국지역학회 1999 지역연구 Vol.15 No.2

        This paper identifies five factors that limited urban network formation in Northeast Asia over the past half millennium, questions the extent to which they are being overcome in the 1990s, and sketches a new network of cities that could boost regionalism. It briefly traces the historical evolution of these factors, including comparisons with European integration, while focusing primarily on the policies of the 1990s that have affected their continuing role. First is the factor of closed national markets with weak regional integration. Second is the preeminence of administrative means of integration over commercial ones. Third is the character of localism, shackled by overcentralization and weak cross-border linkages. Fourth is the limited nature of internationalism, dominated by state catch-up policies with one-sided global involvement. Fifth is a lack of regional consciousness. Just as national urban integration was essential for regional networks to form, without regional integration it is difficult to contemplate Northeast Asian cities taking their rightful place in a global urban network. After noting the failures of the 1990s, the paper points to the potential role as dragon`s heads for sub-regional urban networks of potential front-line cities: Tumen, Sapporo, Irkutsk, and what I call the Amur triangle . Also of interest are how the capitals of Beijing, Moscow, Seoul, and Tokyo will adjust to a transformed urban network. After all, their current skepticism must be overcome with a program that links the benefits on all sides in order to build trust in regionalism. This requires internationalism and symbols of a balanced approach to each country`s needs.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        Japan debates the Korean peninsula: implications for future policy and U,S, -Japan relations

        ( Gilbert Rozman ) 한국국방연구원 2009 The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis Vol.21 No.1

        Japan`s debate about South and North Korea grew livelier in 2007-2008. As the strategic environment changed, right-wing opposition to Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda`s supposed ````Asianism```` and center/left renewed hope for regional reconciliation produced a sharp exchange centering on the Korean peninsula, in which the U.S. figured importantly. Anxieties about national identity deeply rooted in history were compounded by the triple shock of the U.S. delisting the North as a terror-sponsoring state, the U.S.-caused global financial crisis, and Barack Obama`s election victory. Troubled by George W. Bush`s second-term foreign policy shifts, many Japanese people were unprepared for a new president more sympathetic to multilateralism. On North Korea, conservatives warned that U.S. policy was isolating Japan, but instead of refocusing on broad national interests, they pointed to the abductions issue as justification for a more independent foreign policy. On South Korea they welcomed the election of Lee Myung-bak, but that did not stand in the way of renewed stress on the territorial dispute at the expense of strategic thinking. Above all, ultra-conservatives cast doubt on U.S. Japanese relations without adequate resistance from others who articulated the rationale and values behind U.S. policies. As they awaited Obama`s initiatives, the Japanese were alert to Korea`s importance for a region in flux, but they were too absorbed in their own narrow agenda to prepare for a strategic response.

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