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RISS 인기검색어
- 검색키워드
- 저자 : Robert SUTTER (검색결과 7 건)
- 무료
- 기관 내 무료
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US Turn against China, 2020 Elections, Implications for South Korea
Robert Sutter 제주평화연구원 2020 Jeju Forum Journal Vol.2 No.-
The American government’s broad ranging efforts targeting an array of challenges to US interests posed by the policies and behavior of the Chinese government developed through close collaboration between the Trump administration and both Democrats and Republicans in the Congress. Emerging erratically in the first year of the Trump administration in late 2017, the US government’s hardening against China later demonstrated momentum in gaining greater support in the United States. It reached a high point during the heat of the 2020 presidential election campaign as the most important foreign policy issue in the campaign. South Korea has shown more angst over its vulnerability to negative fallout from the growing US-China rivalry than any other regional power. South Korea is very exposed and has few good options for dealing with the intensifying US-China rivalry. Prevailing assumptions are that a tough US policy toward China will continue in 2021 and strong Chinese retaliation will follow South Korean moves to align with the United States in the rivalry with China.
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EAST ASIA AND THE UNITED STATES.RECENT IMPROVEMENTS AND OUTLOOK
Robert Sutter 통일연구원 2002 International journal of korean unification studie Vol.11 No.1
East Asia remains beset by numerous difficult issues ranging from regional hot spots in the Taiwan Strait and the Korean peninsula, to economic difficulties in Japan and broader policy drift in Indonesia. The region is full of strategic uncertainty and economic and political change. The results include pervasive hedging by regional powers; most governments are using more diversified diplomacy, military preparations and other means to insure their particular interests will be safeguarded, especially in case the regional situation should change for the worse. While generally recognizing the need to conform to international economic norms, East Asian governments also seek to block or slow perceived adverse consequences of economic globalization, seen as supported by the United States, and they seek greater cooperation with similarly affected governments in and outside the region. Politically, regional governments are inclined to oppose the US and other outside pressure for political rights and democracy that come at the expense of national sovereignty and stability. Trends in the region and US policy toward the region also are likely to be affected by major turmoil caused by such imminent dangers as another large-scale terrorist attack on America, a war possibly involving nuclear weapons between India and Pakistan, escalating Israeli-Palestinian conflict, or a US military attack against Iraq. US economic power could decline with the turndown in the US stock market and the weakening of the dollar. Despite these challenges, this article argues that recent US policy has served to reinforce the US position as the region’s preferred security guarantor and economic partner. Other circumstances, notably the US-led war on terrorism and the preoccupation of East Asian leaders with domestic issues, have strengthened the US leading position in East Asia and allowed for a generally positive outlook in US-East Asian relations for the rest of the Bush administration. East Asia remains beset by numerous difficult issues ranging from regional hot spots in the Taiwan Strait and the Korean peninsula, to economic difficulties in Japan and broader policy drift in Indonesia. The region is full of strategic uncertainty and economic and political change. The results include pervasive hedging by regional powers; most governments are using more diversified diplomacy, military preparations and other means to insure their particular interests will be safeguarded, especially in case the regional situation should change for the worse. While generally recognizing the need to conform to international economic norms, East Asian governments also seek to block or slow perceived adverse consequences of economic globalization, seen as supported by the United States, and they seek greater cooperation with similarly affected governments in and outside the region. Politically, regional governments are inclined to oppose the US and other outside pressure for political rights and democracy that come at the expense of national sovereignty and stability. Trends in the region and US policy toward the region also are likely to be affected by major turmoil caused by such imminent dangers as another large-scale terrorist attack on America, a war possibly involving nuclear weapons between India and Pakistan, escalating Israeli-Palestinian conflict, or a US military attack against Iraq. US economic power could decline with the turndown in the US stock market and the weakening of the dollar. Despite these challenges, this article argues that recent US policy has served to reinforce the US position as the region’s preferred security guarantor and economic partner. Other circumstances, notably the US-led war on terrorism and the preoccupation of East Asian leaders with domestic issues, have strengthened the US leading position in East Asia and allowed for a generally positive outlook in US-East Asian relations for the rest of the Bush administration.
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THE OBAMA ADMINISTRATION AND CHINA: POSITIVE BUT FRAGILE EQUILIBRIUM
Robert Sutter 경남대학교 극동문제연구소 2009 ASIAN PERSPECTIVE Vol.33 No.3
The Obama administration’s initially positive and constructive engagement with China comes amid continuing differences and mutual suspicions. The priorities and pragmatism of U.S. and Chinese leaders and enduring U.S. leadership in Asia demonstrate that the positive equilibrium in relations between the two administrations is likely to continue, though it will remain fragile because of different interests and suspicions. The Obama administration’s initially positive and constructive engagement with China comes amid continuing differences and mutual suspicions. The priorities and pragmatism of U.S. and Chinese leaders and enduring U.S. leadership in Asia demonstrate that the positive equilibrium in relations between the two administrations is likely to continue, though it will remain fragile because of different interests and suspicions.
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