스키시즌권 구매자들의 스키장별 선호도 조사

장현철,김경식,방준현,최천진,엄정식,김응준,이루지 한국스포츠리서치 2004 한국 스포츠 리서치 Vol.15 No.2

The purpose of this study was to examine the perception and preference of skiers in a bid to provide ski resorts with useful information about successful positioning strategy. The subjects in this study were 9,722 skiers who purchased season tickets from N web site that sold ski season tickets. Their online purchasing route and page view were analyzed to find out what factors affected their purchase of ski season tickets. The findings of this study were as follows: First, 78 percent of the people investigated were make, and 22 percent were female. By age, the largest group was in their 20s(5,344 skiers), followed by those in their 30s(3,434), those in their 40s(631) and teenagers(229). Second, their page view rate with Yangji recorded highest with 24%, followed by Sungwoo Resort with 23% and Chonmasan with 13 percent. Third, by geographic area, the skiers from southern Gyeonggi province bought the largest number of tickets for the 2002/2003 season, followed by Gangweon province residents and northem Gyeonggi province dwellers. In the case of the 2003/2004 season, those from Gangweon provinece pruchased the most tickets, followed by southern Gyeonggi province dwellers and north Gyeonggi province residents.

Risk of lymphadenopathy from SARS-CoV-2 vaccination in Korea: a self-controlled case series analysis

Mi-Sook Kim(Mi-Sook Kim),Bongyoung Kim(Bongyoung Kim),Jeong Pil Choi(Jeong Pil Choi),Nam-Kyong Choi(Nam-Kyong Choi),Jung Yeon Heo(Jung Yeon Heo),Jun Yong Choi(Jun Yong Choi),Joongyub Lee(Joongyub Lee) 한국역학회 2023 Epidemiology and Health Vol.45 No.-

OBJECTIVES: To assess the risk of lymphadenopathy following severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2) vaccination. METHODS: A self-controlled case series design was used to determine whether the risk of lymphadenopathy was higher in the 1-day to 42-day risk interval after coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) vaccination compared to the control period. In addition, subgroup analyses were conducted according to baseline characteristics, time since vaccination, and sensitivity analyses adjusted for the length of the risk interval. RESULTS: The risk of developing lymphadenopathy in the risk interval (1-42 days) after COVID-19 vaccination compared to the control period was significantly increased, with a relative incidence (RI) of 1.17 (95% confidence interval [CI], 1.17 to 1.18) when the first, second, and third doses were combined. The RI was greater on the day of vaccination (1.47; 95% CI, 1.44 to 1.50). In subgroup analyses by baseline characteristics, a significantly increased risk or trend toward increased risk was observed in most subgroups except for those aged 70 years and older, with a significant increase in risk in younger individuals, those with a Charlson’s comorbidity index <5, and those who received mRNA vaccines (mRNA-1273>BNT162b2). Within the 1-day to 42-day post-dose risk period, the relative risk was highest during the 1-day to 7-day post-dose period (1.59; 95% CI, 1.57 to 1.60) compared to the control period, and then the risk declined. In the sensitivity analysis, we found that the longer the risk window, the smaller the RI. CONCLUSIONS: SARS-CoV-2 vaccination is associated with a statistically significant increase in the risk of lymphadenopathy, and this risk was observed only with mRNA vaccines.

Democratic Constitutions Against Democratization

Kyong Jun Choi 한국국제정치학회 KJIS 2019 The Korean Journal of International Studies Vol.17 No.1

Institutional Transplantation and Imposed Democracy through Occupation

Kyong Jun Choi(최경준) 경희대학교 인류사회재건연구원 2019 OUGHTOPIA Vol.33 No.4

이 연구는 식민지 지배 하에서 형성되는 연방제와 민주주의 사이의 관계에 대해 분석한다. 프랑스 혁명기 동안 프랑스에 의해 스위스에 이식된 민주주의 제도의 운명과 제도변화의 양상을 추적함으로써 본 논문은 민주주의를 지탱하는 하나의 방벽으로 연방제를 긍정적으로 바라보는 기존의 관점에 대해 비판한다. 프랑스 지배 하의 스위스는 정치제도의 수입이 어떻게 연방제적 통치 형태를 만들어 내고, 이것이 지역적 자율성을 증가시킴과 동시에 지역 차원의 민주주의가 권위주의로 역행하도록 만드는 이중적 결과를 초래하는가를 보여준다. 연방제는 민주주의와 권위주의가 식민지 상황 속에서 상호 공존할 수 있도록 만드는 타협적 정부 형태를 제공한다. 그리고 강요된 정치제도의 이식과 타협적 정치 형태로의 제도변화 과정에서 제도 자체가 지닌 본래의 기능적 합리성과는 무관한 감정적이고 상징적인 의미들이 제도와 결합하게 된다. 스위스의 사례는 외부세력에 의한 새로운 정치제도의 강압적 이식이 기존의 제도를 새로운 제도로 대체하는 것이 아니라 기존의 제도에 감정적이고 상징적인 의미들을 새롭게 부여하도록 만듦으로써 오히려 과거의 제도를 강화하는 역설적인 결과를 초래할 수 있음을 보여준다. This study examines how colonialism affects the relationship between federalism and democracy. By investigating the trajectory of institutional changes and the fate of democratic institutions transplanted into Switzerland during the French Revolution, this study criticizes the optimistic expectations of federalism as a bulwark of democracy. Switzerland under French rule serves as an example of how the export of political institutions can create a federal form of government, which causes an increase in local autonomy while also causing a democratic reversal at the local level. Federalism could represent a compromised form of government which functions to maintain the coexistence of democracy and non-democracy in a colonial situation. In such a situation, emotive and symbolic meaning can be easily attached to political institutions beyond their intended functional rationality. The coercive transplantation of new institutions by external forces strengthens old institutions instead of replacing them by unintentionally providing them with new emotive and symbolic meaning.

Impact of Multiple Prostate Biopsies: Risk of Perioperative Complications and Biochemical Recurrence After Radical Prostatectomy

Kyong Min Park(박경민),Jae-Wook Chung(정재욱),Jun-Koo Kang(강준구),Teak Jun Shin(신택준),Se Yun Kwon(권세윤),Hyun Chan Jang(장현찬),Yun-Sok Ha(하윤석),Seock Hwan Choi(최석환),Wonho Jung(정원호),Jun Nyung Lee(이준녕),Byung Hoon Kim 대한비뇨기종양학회 2020 대한비뇨기종양학회지 Vol.18 No.1

Purpose: The aim of this study was to analyze the perioperative complications and oncological outcomes of radical prostatectomy (RP) in patients who underwent multiple prostate biopsies. Materials and Methods: A total of 1,112 patients who underwent RP between January 2009 and April 2016 at 4 different centers were included in this study. We divided these patients into 2 groups: patients who underwent only 1st biopsy, and those who underwent 2nd or more repeated biopsies. The association between the number of prior biopsies and perioperative complications and biochemical recurrence (BCR) was analyzed. Results: Of 1,112 patients, 1,046 patients (94.1%) underwent only 1st biopsy, and 66 (5.9%) underwent 2nd or more repeated biopsies. There were no significant differences in preoperative prostate-specific antigen levels, operation times, blood loss volumes, or hospital stay durations (all p>0.05). Patients who underwent multiple prostate biopsies presented with a localized tumor significantly more often (p<0.05). The Gleason score and rate of positive surgical margins were significantly lower in patients with multiple biopsies (all p<0.05). The Cox proportional hazards model analysis indicated that there was no association between the number of prior prostate biopsies and BCR (p>0.05). Kaplan-Meier curve analysis indicated that BCR-free survival rates between the 2 groups were similar (p>0.05). Conclusions: Multiple prostate biopsies are not associated with an increased risk of perioperative complications, adverse pathological outcomes, or higher rates of BCR in patients who have undergone RP.

Weapons Brushed By the Enemy: The Bounded Autonomy of Taiwan’s Middle Power Foreign Policy

Kyong Jun Choi 한국국제정치학회 KJIS 2020 The Korean Journal of International Studies Vol.18 No.1

Colonial Law Enforcement and the Paradox of a Strong State:The Legacy of State Coercion in Korea Under Japanese Rule

Kyong Jun Choi(최경준) 한국공공사회학회 2021 공공사회연구 Vol.11 No.1

본 논문은 일제 식민지 조선에서 나타난 식민지 법집행의 특성을 분석하고 이것이 한국의 국가 공권력에 미친 영향을 규명한다. 폭력성과 자의성에 기반한 일제의 전제적 법집행은 일제 식민지 국가가 합리성과 탈인격화를 특성으로 하는 근대 국가의 제도적 발전 방향과는 상이한 관료제적 발전 경로를 취하였음을 보여준다. 설득과 동의에 기반하여 국가 공권력에 대한 사회의 자발적 순응을 이끌어 내는 것이 아닌 억압기구를 통한 강제적 순응의 확보와 사회적 통제는 이 시기 국가 공권력 조직이 제도적 차원에서 장기적 안정성을 확보하지 못하도록 만들었다. 이는 억압적 강제력을 지닌 강한 국가가 제도적으로 취약해지는 역설적인 결과를 야기하였다. 일제 식민지 통치는 국가 조직 차원에서 근대적 관료제로의 제도적 발전이 아니라 전제적 법집행과 정당성 없는 취약한 국가 공권력을 유산으로 남겼다. This study analyzes the characteristics of colonial law enforcement by the colonial police in Korea under Japanese colonialism. By examining despotic law enforcement based on violence and arbitrariness during the period of Japanese rule, it asserts that the law enforcement process and power methods exercised by the colonial police showed an utter departure from the developmental direction of a modern state characterized by rationality and depersonalized institutionalization. Instead of inspiring the colonial society’s voluntary compliance to state power based on persuasion and consent, the colonial system maintained the state system by crushing resistance to coercion and controlling through repressive apparatuses. This system was weak, as its mighty power would disappear once the means of violence that enabled coercive compliance ceased to exist. The violent and arbitrary exercise of power by the colonial police under Japanese rule and its negative impact on the police and judicial system of Korea shows that the colonial legacies of Japanese rule were nothing close to the modernity gained through the rational institutionalization of state power but instead were despotic law enforcement based on violence and arbitrariness alongside illegitimate state power.

민주화와 국가 능력의 쇠퇴 : 한국 관료제의 내적 파괴와 1997년 아시아 금융위기 관리의 실패

최경준 ( Kyong Jun Choi ) 대한정치학회 2021 大韓政治學會報 Vol.29 No.1

본 논문은 1997년 아시아 금융위기 당시 한국 정부가 드러낸 위기관리 실패의 원인과 과정을 분석하고 이를 통해 민주화와 국가 능력 사이의 관계를 규명한다. 기존 연구는 세계화된 국제 환경의 변화를 따라가지 못한 발전국가의 문제 또는 정부에 의한 무분별한 자유화 정책을 국가의 위기관리 능력 부재의 주요 원인으로 지적해 왔다. 반면, 본 논문은 한국 관료제 조직의 내부적 특성과 정치-관료 관계를 검토하여 민주화와 함께 국가 내부에서 나타나는 정치와 관료조직 상의 변화가 국가의 위기관리 능력에 부정적인 영향을 미쳤음을 주장한다. 정치-관료 사이 협력의 약화와 관료제 내부의 응집성 파괴 그리고 정부의 체제 감시 능력의 부재는 국가가 지닌 위기관리 능력의 약화를 초래하였고, 이는 한국이 아시아 금융위기에 직면할 당시 발전국가는 이미 심각한 내부적 파괴 상황에 놓여 있었음을 말해준다. 한국 관료제의 내부적 파괴와 이에 따른 정부의 위기관리 실패 사례는 대내외적 위기들을 성공적으로 관리할 수 있는 유능한 관료조직의 창출과 확보가 민주주의 전환 과정에서 신생 민주주의 국가들이 직면하는 중요한 과제임을 보여주고 있다. This study investigates the relationship between democratization and state capacity by exploring the origins and processes of the South Korean government’s failed management of the 1997 Asian financial crisis. While most literature points to the obsolete developmental state under globalization or the government’s ill-considered policy of liberalization as the primary source of the demise of state capacity, it examines the internal organizational aspects of Korea’s bureaucracy and its relationship with the government’s political branch to show how the changes to politics and bureaucracy in new democracies have a detrimental effect on the state’s capacity to manage a crisis. The breakdown of political-bureaucratic coordination, the internal cohesiveness of the bureaucracy, and the lack of systemic overview, all of which led to the failed management of the crisis, illustrate that the developmental state in Korea had already been severely dismantled from the inside due to the rapid democratic transition when the Asian financial crisis hit. The case of South Korea’s bureaucratic implosion provides lessons for new democracies, as building and securing a capable officialdom that can successfully manage internal and external crises is critical in the process of democratic transition for new democracies.

선거 민주주의와 법치: 한국의 정치적 민주화와 법집행의 공정성

최경준 ( Choi Kyong Jun ) 한국경찰학회 2017 한국경찰학회보 Vol.19 No.6

민주화 이후 한국의 선거법 집행은 얼마나 공정하게 이루어져 왔는가? 본 논문은 정치적 민주주의의 가장 핵심적인 요건 중의 하나인 선거의 공정한 실시에 대해 법집행 조직에 의한 선거법 집행의 공정성을 중심으로 살펴본다. 정치적 민주화는 정치지도자를 선출하고 정부를 구성하는 새로운 규칙에 대한 합의와 이에 바탕을 둔 선거제도의 도입을 특징으로 한다. 선거법을 비롯한 정치적 게임의 규칙들이 공정하게 집행될 때 민주주의 정치체제의 정당성이 확보되고, 궁극적으로는 민주주의의 공고화로 이어질 수 있다. 그러나 한국의 선거법 집행의 공정성에 대한 분석은 민주화 이후에도 여전히 정치화된 법집행이 이루어지고 있으며, 한국이 과거권위주의 시기 ‘자의적 집행자’로 존재하던 법집행 조직을 ‘공정한 집행자’로 전환시키는데 단지 부분적인 성공만을 거두었음을 보여주고 있다. 이는 정치적 민주화가 법집행의 공정성을 자동적으로 야기하는 것이 아니며, 오히려 법집행 조직에 의한 불공정한 법의 집행이 신생민주주의 국가에서 선거 민주주의의 정착뿐만 아니라 민주주의의 공고화에도 부정적인 영향을 미칠 수 있음을 의미한다. 공정한 법집행을 통한 법치의 확립은 민주주의의 후퇴 또는 권위주의로의 역행을 막기 위해 신생민주주의 국가에서 달성되어야 할 하나의 목표이자 도전적인 과제이다. Have electoral laws been impartially enforced in Korea since the unfolding of democratization in the late 1980s? This paper examines the fairness of elections, one of the most crucial requirements of political democracy, and focuses on the enforcement of electoral laws by law enforcement government agencies. Political democratization is characterized by the introduction of new rules and electoral institutions for selecting political leaders and constructing government based on the agreement and consensus of politicians and citizens. Without the impartial enforcement of electoral laws, neither the legitimacy of democratic governance nor the consolidation of democracy can be expected. This paper’s examination of electoral law enforcement in Korea illustrates that since its democratization, Korea has not been successful at converting its “arbitrary enforcer” into an “impartial enforcer”, The Korean case shows that political democratization does not automatically result in the fairness of law enforcement. The failure to create impartial law enforcement agencies exerts detrimental effects on the entrenchment of the rule of law and democratic consolidation in new democracies.

Poster Session : Nebulin simple repeat region interacts with filamin C in the human sekeletal muscle

( Jae Kyong Choi ),( Yeong Mi Lee ),( Hyun Suk Kim ),( Jun Hyeok Choi ),( Seung Ju Ahn ),( Byung In Min ),( Chong Rak Kim ) 한국생화학분자생물학회 (구 한국생화학회) 2007 생화학분자생물학회 춘계학술발표논문집 Vol.2007 No.-