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Markedness Relation in Obstruent Sonorant Consonant Clusters and Optimality Theory
Kim, Jong Shil 대한언어학회 1997 언어학 Vol.5 No.2
Kim, Jong Shil. 1997. Markedness Relation in Obstruent Sonorant Consonant Clusters and Optimality Theory. Linguistics, 5-2, 255-270. This paper focuses on assimilatory processes involving obstruent and sonorant consonant clusters. Nasalization, lateralization or the failure of those alternations to occur are analyzed as the result of the interaction between markedness constraints and faithfulness constraints developed in Optimality Theory. In this analysis, the markedness relation among features, feature cooccurrence restriction as part of segmental inventory leading to the effect of structure preservation, and sequential restriction are all characterized as part of universal constraints with hierarchical ranking. In doing so Optimality Theory plays a major role in capturing the essence of phonological alternations, the markedness relation, and integrating the relation directly into the analysis. (Inje University)
Opacity Problem and Markedness Constraints
Kim, Jong Shil 대한언어학회 1998 언어학 Vol.6 No.2
Kim, Jong Shil. 1998. Opacity Problem and Markedness Constraints. Linguistics, 6-2, 223-242. This paper investigates opacity problem and presents some reanalysis on the matter based on the concepts like constraint conjunction and correspondence relation. It views opacity cases as special types in contrast to transparent cases and analyzes them as having the input-output correspondence relation in markedness constraints. It also presents the analysis in which the combination of markedness constraints and faithfulness constraints plays a role in accounting for the opacity. (Inje University)
Alignment and Its Effect of Lever Ordering
Kim, Jong Shil 대한언어학회 1999 언어학 Vol.7 No.3
Kim, Jong Shil. 1999. Alignment and Its Effect of Level Ordering. Linguistics 7-3, 175-195. Level ordering in the Lexical Phonology and Morphology has contributed to the analysis of morpheme sequencing, blocking effects, and conversion in morphology and strict cyclicity in phonology. In this paper, we take up the issue of level ordering and morphology-phonology interface in terms of Optimality theory. We analyze word level affixes to be outside a phonological word and rather to be subcategorized for one. By assuming prosodic exclusion of those affixes in terms of alignment, we claim that the so called level ordering can be replaced with different prosodic parsing. At the same time problematic cases of earlier analyses such as bracketing paradox and ordering paradox are shown to be natural consequences of mismatches between prosodic and morphological parsing. (Inje University)
Harmonic Analysis of Consonant Cluster Reduction in Korean
Kim, Jong Shil 대한언어학회 1994 언어학 Vol.2 No.-
Kim, Jong Shil (1994). Harmonic analysis of consonant cluster reduction In Korean. Linguistics vol. 2. Goldsmith(1990) presents a model of syllable licensing in which prosodic licensing is extended to features, thus enabling the syllable template to include phonotactic information. Harmonic Phonology (Goldsmith 1993, Lakoff 1993) treats phonological rules as repair processes which apply to maximize the wellformedness constraints. Based on these theoretical frameworks and universal generalization on sonority hierarchy, this paper analyzes seemingly random variations of [IC] cluster reduction in Korean. The syllabification in the case of [IC] clusters takes either first consonant [1] or the following consonant as coda. Furthermore, both [1] and the next consonant can be realized as codas. I posit two distinct syllable constraints which hold in W-level and P-level respectively and predicate tensing rule as applying between the two levels as a crosslevel phonological rule. The variations in the [IC] cluster reduction are then accounted for as the result of structural mismatch and speakers' attempt to harmonize with the constraints of each distinct level.
Remarks on Korean Speakers`` Realization of English Intonation: Focusing on Declarative Sentences
( Jong Shil Kim ),( Sung Hee Kim ) 범태평양응용언어학회 2001 범태평양응용언어학회지 Vol.5 No.2
This study investigates the general intonation patterns of Korean speakers when they speak English declarative sentences, The findings are a~ follows, First. the ``pitch accent`` often falls on the last syllable of the phonological word in focus. Second. the Korean subjects exhibit a distinct tonal pattern for phrases similar to the Low-High-Low-High tone sequence of Korean ``accentual phrase.~: This can be considered to be a transfer effect. Otherwise it can be interpreted as speaker``s intention of asking for listener``s approval or attention, or signaling that their speech will go on. Based on these generalizations, this study claims that at the level of intonation Korean speakers clearly employ systematic and classifiable patterns that are distinct from those of native speakers.
Jong Shil Kim 한국음운론학회 2007 음성·음운·형태론 연구 Vol.13 No.3
This study presents an analysis of the vowel harmony in Korean verbs. Both regular and irregular verbs are examined and the harmony process is characterized as follows. First, a general lowering harmony applies to the following initial vowel of the connective suffix. Second, the lowness is considered to behave differently with respect to the round vowels: that is, the high vowel [u] takes relatively less ‘low’ [?] suffix whereas the mid [o] takes more ‘low’ [a] suffix. Third, the final glide [w] in irregular verbs makes the stems take the [?] suffix except the case of [o] in the monosyllabic stem. To account for the harmony phenomena, three MATCH constraints are proposed. The constraints do not require the shared linkage of spread features, thus making the harmony in the Korean verbs a case of choosing the suffix with either [±LOW] feature value. A general MATCH constraint makes the stem final vowel agree with the suffix vowel in its [LOW] feature value. More specific MATCH constraint is suggested for the stems with round vowels that match with the suffix vowel according to their relative lowness. The irregular verb stems ending in [w] correspond with the adjacent non-low suffix [?] by another special MATCH constraint.