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      • On the Origin of the Glagolitic Alphabet

        Jung Hakyung 훈민정음학회 2013 Scripta Vol.0 No.5

        This paper investigates the origin of Glagolitic, allegedly the first Slavic script. It is argued that there is no direct evidence for the existence of a systemic alphabet before Constantine created Glagolitic, although the possibility of primitive transliteration schemes utilizing Latin and Greek letters remains. The paper also shows that formulating the structure and forms of the Glagolitic alphabet constituted two separate levels of work. Constantine adopted the basic organizing principle of his new alphabet system from Greek. For Slavic sounds that were not represented in Greek, he mostly depended on Armenian. While Glagolitic was structurally based on Greek and Armenian, it had formal affinities with various scripts of that time. The extent of the resemblance varies from one script to another, which may be ascribed to Constantine’s intention to make the Slavic letters assume both independence from the influence of the Roman church and authenticity rooted in Greek.

      • KCI등재

        현대러시아어 무인칭 환경에 나타나는 ЭТО와 ОНО의 문법적 기능

        정하경(Jung, Hakyung),이수현(Lee, Suhyoun) 한국노어노문학회 2020 노어노문학 Vol.32 No.3

        본 논문은 현대러시아어의 구어적 사용에서 무인칭 환경에 나타나는 지시대명사 중성 단수형 эmо와 인칭대명사 중성 단수형 оно의 문법적 기능을 살펴봄으로써 эmо와 оно의 이러한 허사적 사용이 현대러시아어의 문법체계 범주화에 어떤 의미를 갖는지 고찰할 수 있는 경험적 토대를 마련하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 구체적으로 эmо와 оно의 사용이 허용되는 정확한 무인칭 환경 유형을 파악하고 이 형태들이 실제로 문법적 주어의 지위를 가지는지 규명하기 위해, 다양한 유형의 무인칭구문 및 그에 상응하는 эmо, оно 구문에 대해 원어민 피험자들(총35명)을 대상으로 설문을 진행했다. 설문 실험 결과, 자연현상이나 신체적 작용을 나타내는 무인칭 정형동사 구문에서는 эmо/оно가 사용될 수 없었던 반면, 무인칭 재귀동사와 부사적 술어 구문에서는 종속절(원형부정사절 및 정형절)이 있을 경우 эmо/оно의 용인성이 높게 나타났다. 전반적으로 эmо의 용인성이 оно보다 더 높은 것으로 관찰되었다. 무인칭 재귀동사의 경우에는 어휘에 따라 종속절이 없는 경우에도 эmо와 оно의 삽입이 가능했다. 이와 같이 무인칭 환경에 삽입되는 эmо와 оно는 인상술어의 주어로 인상될 수 있고, 재귀사를 결속시키며, 술어일치를 유발할 수 있다는 점에서 제한적인 환경이기는 하지만 문법적 허사 주어로 인정될 수 있다. This paper examines whether Modern Russian features (semi-) expletive subjects, based on the judgement test that was taken by 35 Russian native speakers. The test was designed to compare the acceptability of оно and это in three impersonal environments, in which no thematic subject is allowed: Finite verbs expressing natural phenomena, adverbial predicates, and reflexive verbs deriving from unergative verbs. The test shows that оно and это may be acknowledged as true expletive subjects in limited environments although a clear contrast is seen between это and оно. The acceptability of это is clearly higher than that of оно irrespective of the construction type, which can be ascribed to the strong deictic nature of это. First, finite verb constructions denoting natural phenomena do not allow overt expletives at all: The semantics of a subject is available in this type of constructions although the covert subject cannot be referential. As this invisible argument related to natural phenomena already occupies the subject position, an overt expletive cannot be inserted into this position. This result parallels with the analysis of the weather-it in English as denoting an (quasi-) argument in the literature. Second, in the case of reflexive verbs and adverbial predicates, expletives are allowed if a subordinate clause (infinitival or finite) follows. In a limited case of reflexive verbs, это and оно are allowed even without a subordinate clause. This must be because there is no argument in the subject position in this type of reflexive verb constructions unlike finite verbs expressing natural phenomena. Это and оно in the given impersonal environments can be raised as the subject of a raising verb, can bind subject-oriented reflexives, and trigger agreement on predicates, which indicates that это and оно may be construed as grammatical subjects occupying Spec,TP, a position dedicated to a nominative subject.

      • KCI등재

        형식의 기능적 재해석과 언어 체계의 역할

        정하경(Hakyung Jung) 한국슬라브유라시아학회 2009 슬라브학보 Vol.24 No.3

        This paper investigates how morphological change is motivated by functional necessities to remove functional/semantic ambiguity from certain forms, which is conditioned, constrained, and triggered by the language-internal system. I address these questions by examining the developmental path of the new perfect construction in ?v?i in the western Russian dialect. Although the dialectal ?v?i perfect construction is considered to be a relatively young phenomenon, the first attestation of which is found in the 16<SUP>th</SUP> century manuscript, its development began on the basis of phonological and syntactic conditions of the 13th-14th century western dialect. The development of the construction is accounted for by general principles of language change. Namely, distinct functions tend to be associated with different forms and this motivates innovations at morphological and syntactic levels in language. The predicative past active participle short form in Old Russian developed into an independent perfect construction in the western dialect, conditioned by the pre-historic language contact with Baltic languages and triggered by the pan-Russian tense system readjustment in the 13th-14th centuries. The phonological system of West Russian, which ranked the feature [+vocalic] higher than [+consonantal] (i.e., vocalic language) and employed the tense-lax opposition, gave rise to potential ambiguity between the past active participle and the l-participle form after the jer shift in the 12th century. A functional motivation to formally differentiate the simple past and the perfect resulted in the reanalysis that assigned the perfect-denoting function to ??i and the past-denoting function to v, thus resulting in the obligatory ??i desinence for the perfect construction.

      • KCI등재

        고대 프스코프 방언 *dj, *zdj 대응형 표기의 음운론적 해석

        정하경 ( Hakyung Jung ) 한국외국어대학교 러시아연구소 2018 슬라브연구 Vol.34 No.4

        This article examines the phonological values of Old Pskovian orthographies <г> and <жг>, which encode the reflexes of Common Slavic *dj and *zdj respectively. On the basis of the cross-linguistic distribution of distinct reflexes of *dj and *zdj in Slavic, I analyze that in the Pskov area, which is located in the periphery of the Slavic territory in terms of the change of *g and *dj, the reflex of *dj did not undergo lention. The orthographies used for the reflexes of *tj and *stj indicate that the reflex of *dj also did not undergo assibilation. Thus, the orthography <г> for *dj represents the phonological value g, which is [mellow] and [non-continuant]. The shift of *tl, *dl to kl, gl in the Old Pskovian Dialect and the depalatalization phenomenon in the Modern Pskovian Dialect indirectly support this conclusion. I define *dj > g, *tl, *dl > kl, gl, and the modern depalatalization in the Pskovian Dialect as cases of sonority assimilation and phonemic reanalysis of allophones in favor of [sonorant], by which dentals with the feature [diffuse] shift to velars with the [compact] feature in the position preceding highly sonorant j and l. The assimilation and phonemic reanlaysis in favor of high sonority is conditioned by the unmarked status of the [sonorant] feature in this dialect. The typological evaluation of the Northwestern dialect as ‘sonorant language’ in the opposition of ‘obstruent language’ explains how the sonorant assimilation is motivated.

      • 경쟁차 R&H 성능 달성을 위한 감쇠력 설계 기준에 대한 연구

        문하경(Hakyung Moon),정홍규(Hongkyu Jung) 한국자동차공학회 2017 한국자동차공학회 학술대회 및 전시회 Vol.2017 No.11

        We have used the initial S/ABS damping force referring to previous models or the competitive cars. Vehicle test teams have depended on trial & error to fix damping force, which results too much time to fix damper and that delays the vehicle development. To predict damping force is not only to improve vehicle R&H performance efficiently but also to reduce the tuning time. Through this study, suspension designers can design damping forces and add them on drawings before producing prototype vehicles.

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