Suppression of experimental systemic lupus erythematosus(SLE) with specific anti-idiotypic antibody-saporin conjugate

Blank, M .,Manosroi, J .,Tomer, Y .,Manosroi, A .,Kopolovic, J .,Polak, S . Charcon,Shoenfeld, Y . 전남대학교 약품개발연구소 1995 약품개발연구지 Vol.3 No.1

The importance of the idiotypic network is represented in experimental SLE induced by active immunization of naive mice with an anti-DNA idiotype (Ab1) emulsified in adjuvant. The mice after 4 months of incubation generate Ab3 having anti-DNA activity. In addition, the mice develop other serological markers for SLE associated with clinical and histopathological manifestations characteristic of the disease. To confirm further the etiological role of the idiotype in this experimental model, the mice were treated with specific anti-idiotypic antibodies (anti-Id) which were also conjugated to a toxin-saporin (Immunotoxin (IT)). Pretreatment of hybridoma cell line producing the anti-anti-Id (anti-DNA=(Ab3) for 48 h with the anti-Id MoAb (Ab2) reduced the production of anti-DNA by 58%, while pretreatment with the IT resulted in 86% decrease in anti-DNA secretion (saporin alone had only 12% effect). The anti-Id MoAb had no effect on the production of immunoglobulin by an unrelated cell line. In vivo treatment of mice with experimental SLE led to a significant decrease in titres of serum autoantibodies, with diminished clinical manifestations. The result were more remarkable when the IT was employed. These suppressive effects were specific, since an anti-Id treatment of experimental anti-phospholipid syndrome was of no avail. The anti-Id effect was mediated via a reduction in specific anti-DNA antibody-forming cells, and lasted only while anti-Id injections were given. Discontinuation of the anti-Id injection was followed by a rise in titres of anti-DNA antibodies. No immunological escape of new anti-DNA Ids was noted. Our results point to the importance of pathogenic idiotypes in SLE and to the specific potential of implementing anti-idiotypic therapy, enhanced by the conjugation of the anti-Id to an immunotoxin, in particular one with low spontaneous toxicity.

Helsinki in Asia?:Towards a Multilateral Asian Order

BLANK,Stephen J. THE INSTITUTE OF EAST AND WEST STUDIES YONSEI UNIV 1994 Global economic review Vol.23 No.1

ECONOMICS AND SECURITY IN NORTHEAST ASIA : THE IRON SILK ROAD,ITS CONTEXT AND IMPLICATIONS

Blank, Stephen 연세대학교 동서문제연구원 2002 Global economic review Vol.31 No.3

In recent years, there have been some developments in East Asia. North Korea has officially stated that it is developing nuclear weapons. Because of this, its neighbours have been uneasy and have resulted in significant changes. Previously, there was a primary drive to develop East Asia's economic potential. South Korea wanted to specialize in certain key strategic industries while becoming the region's business hub. Russia wanted to exploit its vast eastern region for its natural resources and build a railway connecting Europe to East Asia. Japan wants to escape its economic slump. China wants to bring about a new era of prosperity for its people. However, this all changed because of North Korea. Now, these nations are delicately balancing their economic priorities with political and military security.

A (Multi) Polar Bear? Russia’s Bid for Influence in Asia

Stephen Blank 동아시아재단 2012 Global Asia Vol.7 No.2

Whither the new great game in Central Asia?

Stephen Blank 한양대학교 아태지역연구센터 2012 Journal of Eurasian Studies Vol.3 No.2

This paper represents an assessment of the present great game or new great game in Central Asia among the major external and internal political actors three. It finds that the game is probably intensifying and at the same time serves the purposes of Central Asian governments in helping them preserve domestic security. Thus the foreign rivalry serves multiple and paradoxical purposes. On the one hand states like Russia and China pursue great power aggrandizement and even neo-imperial policies there and on the other hand Central Asian states attach themselves to these countries in the hope of obtaining resources form them with which to augment their independence. At the same time as the United States announces its impending withdrawal from Afghanistan, it is already evident that the rivalry among the other major actors is heating up. Moscow is pursuing military bases the right to intervene in the domestic affairs of members of the CSTO and its customs union and China is strengthening its commercial primacy in the area. And while all this is occurring simultaneously we see concern over succession issues in several states, the possibility of something resembling the Arab spring occurring, an outcome that greatly alarms Russian, Chinese, and local leaders, and of course, the uncertain prognosis in Afghanistan. Thus the international competition within and around Central Asia is likely to intensify.

Chinese energy policy in Central and South Asia

( Stephen Blank ) 한국국방연구원 2009 The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis Vol.21 No.4

China has exploited its relatively strong position following the current global financial and economic crisis, to buy up energy positions throughout Asia. In doing so it is using the tactics it had developed earlier when energy prices were quite high to buttress its energy security. That security entails having multiple secure sources of energy over land that cannot be interdicted by hostile naval forces. But beyond that, China`s stronger position vis-a`-vis distressed firms and governments allows it not only to buy key energy holdings, but also to exercise greater influence upon these firms` and states` policies and induce them to accommodate their policy preferences to Beijing`s desiderata. The evidence brought forward here, concerning Russia, Kazakhstan, Myanmar, and Iran suggests that we are beginning to see a pattern of China leveraging its superior economic position in the current climate to induce this accommodating behavior and thereby begin to reorient security behavior in Asia even if it is all done by purely peaceful and economic means.

Rethinking the Six-Party Process on Korea

Stephen Blank 통일연구원 2011 International journal of korean unification studie Vol.20 No.1

As of late 2010 the six-party process regarding North Korean proliferation is moribund if not dead. Moreover, multiple crises generated by provocative North Korean behavior could set in motion a chain of events leading to conflicts if not outright war. Furthermore, it should be clear that the U.S. policy of attempting to pressure China to pressure North Korea to behave in what Washington considers to be a more reasonable manner and negotiate seriously is a futile enterprise. Accordingly this essay examines the reasons for the failure of the six-party talks and does so not only with reference to North Korean behavior, but also with an eye to the larger strategic environment in which the talks occur. Bearing in mind the fundamental transformation of Northeast Asia’s strategic landscape the essay then proceeds to suggest a way out of the impasse for the United States in order to regenerate a process that might actually bring North Korea back to a serious negotiation.

The Arctic: A New Issue on Asia`s Security Agenda

( Stephen Blank ),( Youn Kyoo Kim ) 한국국방연구원 2011 The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis Vol.23 No.3

China has clearly emulated Russia`s previous example of making loud claims and increasing military patrols in the Arctic. China will likely become a major player in Arctic trade routes and become a main destination for goods shipped through the Northern Sea Route. It is likely that a significant part of future Russian oil and gas production will ultimately be supplied to China. What are the strategic implications of China`s active involvement in Arctic politics? The Arctic "Great Game" is often described as a new Cold War between the United States and Russia. Regionally, the two main protagonists are Russia and Norway. This article makes a different argument. The Arctic has recently become an issue on the Russo-Chinese, and possibly Russo-Japanese security agenda. The first goal of this article is to examine the Arctic policy and strategy of Russia, perhaps the most difficult nation to understand in terms of Arctic security. The second goal of the article is to explain how the Arctic has become an issue of concern in Russia`s relationship with China.

Proliferation and Counterproliferation in Russian Strategy

( Stephen Blank ) 한국국방연구원 1999 The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis Vol.11 No.2

Is the Northern Alliance Making a Comeback? Do Russia, China and North Korea Constitute An Alliance?

Stephen Blank 한국국방연구원 2019 The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis Vol.31 No.2

In light of a second Kim–Trump summit this article reviews the posture of Russia and China and suggests that not only do they have an alliance but that it also includes to some degree North Korea. Moscow and Beijing have endorsed Pyongyang’s negotiating posture and much evidence suggests a Russo–Chinese alliance, albeit an informal one. Such an alliance possesses immense implications for the ongoing efforts to nd a negotiated path out of the Korean nuclearization crisis and for regional security in general. But in the meantime the advent of such an alliance imparts a quality of regional bipolarity to the Northeast Asian security agenda that could obstruct further progress towards peace.