러시아정교회 모스크바 총대주교구와 해외러시아정교회의 교회통합에 관한 연구

황영삼(Hwang Youngsarm) 한국슬라브유라시아학회 2010 슬라브학보 Vol.25 No.3

This article aims to examine and evaluate the historic Integration on Canon between the Russian Orthodox Church of Moscow Patriarchate and the Russian Orthodox Church Abroad that took place in 2007 by the two church leaders, Patriarch Aleksii II and Metropolitan Lavr in Moscow. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Russian Orthodox Church of Moscow Patriarchate confronted the serious problem of the restoration of the religious superiority among other denominations spread over the country whereas she obtained more rights of religious freedom like enlargement of parishes, activity of charities and even the religious education. To this somewhat liberal and complicated situation for the Russian Orthodox Church of Moscow Patriarchate were added the more dynamic challenges of other Orthodox authority and the penetration of the Russian Orthodox Church Abroad into its motherland, Russia. The Constantinople Patriarchate kept and demands for its jurisdiction of Western Europe of ROC-MP and the Estonian parishes. ROC-MP made two decisive determinations to resolve the problems above: one is the making of the Federal Law on "the freedom of conscience and religious organizations" in 1997 and the other is the decision of integrating of ROC-Abroad whose center is located in New York. Finally ROC-MP succeeded in concluding the convention of integration with ROC-Abroad in 2007 after much efforts of the Joint Committee of the Two Churches for 15 years. The evaluation of the Church Integration shows two aspects: on the ROC-Abroad side the church got the recognition of the canonical autonomy on the expense of its admission of the Mos cow Patriarch's authority, on the ROC-MP side the church got the ROC-Abroad jurisdiction within its sphere. This event provided the ROC-MP with the possibility of the next and grand integration with the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of Kievan Patriarchate, the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church, the Old-Ritual Russian Orthodox Church and even the Ukrainian Greek-Catholic Church.

투르크메니스탄 민족국가 형성에 관한 연구

황영삼(Hwang, Youngsarm) 한국슬라브유라시아학회 2015 슬라브학보 Vol.30 No.1

Independent Turkmenistan today is the political outcome made by the process of the 1917 Russian Revolution, its consequent Civil War and the building of the Soviet System. To this result were added the resolutions of the Politburo of the Central Committee of Soviet Communist Party, the discussions of Central Asian Bureau, and the efforts of Turkmen political elites for the nation-building of Turkmen Soviet Socialist Republic. It implicates that Turkmen SSR was organized by the mixed factors of "the order from the above" and "the opinion from the below". My evaluation through this article is that the meaningful importance of Turkmen"s making a nation-state must be taken from the internal efforts of Turkmen native political elites, not from "the divide and rule" policy of the Bolshevik Regime. The rationale for my point is that Turkmen elites succeeded in including the areas of Tashauz, Farab and Charjaw to their territory on their wills. The three areas were then under the territory of the Uzbek people, but had the historical relation with the Turkmen people. Such a result was not possible without the will of Turkmen elites. It is notable to indicate that Turkmen SSR had the limitation of functioning within the Soviet System, and the political orientations of elites were pro-Soviet. But it is important that the scattered Turkmen people gathered and made a nation-state with a territorial boundary, and it became a milestone to give a birth of contemporary Turkmenistan.

투르크메니스탄의 정치변동과 정치전통에 관한 분석 - 부족주의, 합의, 민주주의적 토대를 중심으로

황영삼 ( Youngsarm Hwang ) 한국외국어대학교 러시아연구소 2017 슬라브연구 Vol.33 No.1

본 연구는 투르크메니스탄의 정치변동과 정치전통을 분석하기 위하여 과거로부터 현재까지 이어지고 있는 투르크멘 민족이 가지고 있는 부족기반의 사고방식과 다수의 합의에 기반을 둔 정치 리더십의 부여 그리고 나아가 민주주의 지향성에 입각한 정치적 특성을 고찰하는 것이 목적이다. 결론적으로 볼 때 투르크메니스탄의 정치전통은 부족 기반의 정치 즉 부족주의를 토대로 합의 및 민주주의를 지향하는 정신으로 분석된다. 권위주의와 폐쇄주의 그리고 반민주주의적 시각에서 오늘날의 투르크메니스탄의 정치상황과 전통을 분석하는 일은 지나친 편견에서 비롯되었다고 본다. 긴 역사적 전통을 가진 투르크멘인들의 정치적 성향을 볼 때 투르크메니스탄은 부족 기반의 사회라는 점과 중요한 의사결정에서 나타나는 합의의 정신, 그리고 아직은 진화중에 있는 것이지만 전체 구성원의 의사가 존중되는 민주주의 정신이 구현되고 있다. The purpose of this article is to analyze the political fluctuation and tradition of Turkmenistan from the view of tribalism, consensus and democratic foundation. Long Turkmen history shows that its society has maintained peace and prosperity with the tribal basis which has weak point of easily being attacked by other powers. Turkmens did not even possess their own unified nation-state until the advent of Soviet Union, although its form was not entirely independent country like today`s Turkmenistan. Five main tribes represent turkmen`s people and their respective features are peculiar, so understanding of their existence is very imperative to know their political situation. The Tekes are regarded as the anti-Russians, so its political elites were discriminated during the Soviet Union but the Perestroika period. Nowadays the Tekes which take the most largest proportion of population play main role in political arena, with the fact that the two Presidents belonged and belong to the same tribe. Turkmens keep the long tradition of consensus spirit and democratic minds because they maintained the nomadic lives and the mobile culture. They need consensus of tribe people to make decisions like the election of their Leader or the declaration of war. In this course, they talk each other and discuss urgent issues to get the conclusion. This process prevented someone from being dictator. Halk Malahaty showed the typical expression of the Tumen`s spirit of consensus and democracy, but now it changed as larger constituent organ of parliament. In conclusion, the political tradition of Turkmenistan can be analysed as the structure based on tribes, consensus sprit and democratic foundation.

구소련 지역 고려인 사회에 대한 재인식과 구조적 특징

황영삼 ( Hwang Youngsarm ) 한국민족연구원 2016 민족연구 Vol.0 No.68

구소련 지역의 고려인 사회는 150년 이상의 긴 역사만큼이나 내부의 구성 요소 및 성격이 국가와 지역마다 다른 복잡한 공동체이기 때문에, 일정한 권역별로 나누어진 인식과 개념 및 이를 바탕으로 한 정책적 대안이 필요하다. 우선 개념적 차원에서 고려인 문제를 분석할 때는 `러시아/CIS` 개념보다는 `구소련`개념의 사용을 제의한다. 비CIS 지역인 발트 삼국에 소수 거주하고 있는 고려인들의 뿌리가 바로 일반적 차원에서 접근할 수 있는 고려인들이기 때문이고, 또한 그루지아(조지아)는 CIS 회원국이 아니기 때문이다. 한반도의 통일과 직접적으로 관계가 깊은 지역인 극동 러시아 권역의 경우 150년의 역사를 가진 진정한 대륙의 `고려인`과 `사할린 한인`, 그리고 북한 출신의 소련 국적자와 1990년대 이후 진출이 가능했던 한국인 및 인근의 조선족 그리고 북한 노동자들까지 혼재해 있다. 이러한 복잡한 구성 집단에 대한 정확한 이해가 선행되어야 한다. 유럽 러시아 지방에서 남부 지역은 새로운 고려인 공동체의 대안으로 떠오르고 있다. 이미 1950년대 중반 이후 고려인의 인구유입이 많이 있었으나 1990년대 이후에도 중앙아시아 등지의 고려인들이 이곳으로 이주하고 있다. 우선 고려인들은 언어적으로 러시아어화 되어 있기 때문에 큰 문제가 없다는 점이 이주의 매력으로 꼽히고 있다. 모스크바와 상트 페테르부르그의 고려인 인구도 점증하고 있는데 여기에는 이미 사할린 출신 한인들도 활동 중에 있다. 중앙아시아의 경우 카자흐스탄 고려인 사회는 `강제이주`보다 `정주`의 개념을 가장 먼저 내세울 정도로 이미 안정화한 단계에 접어들었다. 국가 경제의 위기도 있었지만 대체적으로 카자흐스탄의 고려인 사회도 국회의원이나 재계 실력자들도 등장한 만큼 위상이 높다고 보아야 할 것이다. 이에 맞는 지원책이 강구되어야 할 것이다. 우즈베키스탄의 고려인 사회는 우선 고려인들의 정확한 규모 등 그 실태 파악부터 해야 한다. 키르기즈스탄 고려인 사회는 비교적 안정적으로 유지되고 있다. 고려인공동체가 거의 붕괴된 타지키스탄의 경우 민족정체성 유지의 차원에서 접근할 필요가 있고, 투르크메니스탄 고려인 공동체의 경우에는 기초적인 실태 파악부터 해야 한다. 발트 삼국과 몰도바 그리고 카프카즈 삼국의 고려인 사회는 소멸 위기가 높은 고려인 희소지역이다. 여기에는 개인적 관심으로 진출한 한국인들의 역할이 중요하다. This paper aims to reappraise and clarify the structure of the ex-Soviet Korean Communities that has over 150-year history of migration. First of all, I propose the use of `ex-Soviet Korean` concept, not of `Russia-CIS Korean` when it comes to the study of Korean migration problems in those areas. The ethnic minorities of Koreans of the Balts and Georgia are not included in the ex-Soviet Koreans in spite of their same roots of migration history and culture. In case of Far Eastern Russia, there live various Koreans such as continental Koreans(Koryo-Saram, Koryoin), Sakhalin Koreans, ex-Soviet Koreans from North Korea origin, South Koreans who could be migrated from 1990s, Chinese Koreans, and North Koreans who work there as laborers. So the Korean Communities of Far Eastern Russia are very complicated, not so simple. Southern area of Russia is new alternative Korean communities. This area was, in fact, attracted as new migrative place by Soviet Koreans since the mid-1950s. So quite a few Koreans migrated from the Northern Caucasus, and many Koreans gathered from Central Asia especially since 1990s. These Koreans are assimilated linguistically, so they have no problems of communications with Russians. And Moscow and St. Petersburg are rising as new Korean migrative places since 1990s. Kazakhstan Korean communities approach to the stabler stage than those of other CIS countries. Kazakh Koreans adopt the concept of `living` instead of the concept of `deportation` of 1937 affair. They are proud of Korean ethnic elites like politicians, businessmen, scholars and cultural leaders. As for the Uzbekistan Korean communities, we have to the exact situation of them from the size of ethnic Koreans. The Kyrgyz Korean communities are comparatively stable, but Tajik Korean communities are almost dispersed because of the affect of the Civil War in early 1990s. The Turkmen Koreans communities are also needed to study at first. The various Korean communities of Balts, Moldova and three trans-Caucasian countries are diminishing gradually because of their size of population. In these area, South Koreans are expected to play some roles in keeping their Korean Identity.

중앙아시아 지역 러시아정교회의 확산 및 한계

황영삼(Hwang, Youngsarm) 한국슬라브유라시아학회 2012 슬라브학보 Vol.27 No.4

This article aims to examine and evaluate the enlargement and limitation of the Russian Orthodox Church in Central Asia mainly during the 19th century by the point of view of the formation of Religious Communities and the Expansion of Imperial Russia. In essence, the core players in enlarging of the Orthodox Communities in Central Asia were the Holy Synod of the Church, the Cossack troops and the orthodox immigrants composed of Slavic peoples. Among them, the Cossack troops equipped with native orthodox belief had a leading role and other components followed them. But it is admitted that the Cossacks were not entirely supporters towards the Moscow Patriarchate (the Holy Synod). So they were underestimated in forming the orthodox communities in the newly obtained territories, but they must be highly evaluated in enlargement of jurisdiction of the Russian Orthodox Church in Central Asia, in my opinion, regardless of their size and belief. On the basement of the Cossacks efforts, many Slavic migrants gathered in the new places, and they built churches and monasteries. But they had such problems as the lack of priests, the failure of missionary works and the environment surrounded by the majority of Muslims. So the key role of the Russian Orthodox Church was to maintain the religiosity of the established orthodox believers, not to proselyte other Muslims. In conclusion, the external territory of the Russian Orthodox Church evidently was enlarged in proportion to the expansion of the Imperial Russia towards Central Asia, but her internal activity was evaluated as the limited role of religiously maintaining of the migrated and orthodox Slavic believers.

독립 투르크메니스탄의 국가 역사정립에 관한 해석과 이론적 쟁점

황영삼 ( Hwang Youngsarm ) 한국외국어대학교(글로벌캠퍼스) 러시아연구소 2021 슬라브연구 Vol.37 No.1

투르크메니스탄 정부와 학계는 민족과 국가에 관한 역사 해석과 체제 정당성의 확립과 관련하여 독립 이후부터 많은 노력을 기울였다. 이러한 내용에 대한 분석 없이는 투르크메니스탄에 대한 정확한 이해가 불가능할 정도이다. 물론 학술적 차원에서 다루어지는 논의 또한 매우 중요한 의미를 가진다. 본 연구는 독립 투르크메니스탄의 자국 역사 정립에 관한 해석과 이론적 쟁점이라는 접근을 통하여 투르크메니스탄의 역사를 정확히 이해하고 이에 관련된 논쟁점을 분석함으로써 동 국가에 대한 객관적인 시각을 확보하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 궁극적으로 투르크메니스탄 당국의 공식 이론은 투르크멘인은 고대 시기부터 거주하던 사람들과 이주 오구즈 종족의 혼합으로 이루어진 종족이며, 따라서 역사 또한 10세기부터가 아니라 5천년의 역사를 가지고 있다고 주장한다. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the problems with an interpretation and theoretical issue on history making of independent Turkmenistan. It is notable that Turkmenistan has made great efforts since independence in relation to the historical interpretation of the nation and state and establishment of the legitimacy of the regime. It is impossible to understand the exact situation of current Turkmenistan, especially in part of her history discourse without the analysis of various theories concerned with the matter. Of course, discussions dealt with at the academic level also have very important meaning. This study deploys the objective and academic theories of the ‘Turkmen’ origin and its beginning of history by accurately understanding the history of Turkmenistan. It is included that the Turkmen are the nation composed of a mixture of inhabitants from ancient times and the immigrant Oghuz, and therefore have a history of 5,000 years, not originated from the 10th century.

투르크메니스탄 아바자 관광특구 개발사업의 현황과 문제점 분석

황영삼 ( Youngsarm Hwang ) 한국외국어대학교 러시아연구소 2015 슬라브연구 Vol.31 No.4

투르크메니스탄의 아바자 관광특구 개발사업은 2007년부터 2020년까지 3단계로 진행되는 대규모 국책사업으로서 경제개발과 대외개방을 추진하고 있는 구르반굴리 베르디무하메도프 대통령의 강한 의지가 담겨있는 프로젝트이다. 총 5,000여 ha의 부지에 현대식 숙박 시설을 비롯하여 아동 및 가족들의 여가 활동을 위한 놀이 시설과 어른들을 위한 오락 시설까지 겸비하는 것을 목표로 하고 있는 아바자 관광특구는 2015년 현재 30개의 호텔과 각종 편의시설들이 건설되었다. 투르크메니스탄 정부는 외국투자 기업의 유치를 위하여 노력했고, 현재는 터키 기업의 투자가 두드러진 상태에 있다. 동시에 투르크멘바쉬의 현대화 사업도 동시에 병행되고 있다. 결국 향후 5년간 아바자 관광특구 개발사업은 지속될 것이며, 투르크메니스탄 당국은 외국의 투자를 요청하고 있다. 그러나 문제점으로서는 아바자 주변 지역이 원유 자원 및 관련 공장지대들이 있기 때문에 수질 및 대기오염 등 환경적 요인과 관광인프라의 미비 등이 지적되고 있고, 투르크메니스탄의 까다로운 비자 정책 등도 언급된다. 물론 이러한 문제점들은 점진적으로 해결되리라 보며 이 과정에서 한국 기업의 투자 가능성 부문도 진단해 볼 수 있다. Turkmenistan`s project of the national tourism zone “Avaza” scheduled from 2007 to 2020 is the grand plan that the incumbent President Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov propelled with strength from his starting in office. The Aim of the NTZ “Avaza” project is to build modern style hotels, various facilities for children and families and even some casinos for adults for their leisure times. And as of 2015 already its constructions of 30 hotels and other accomodations are finished with success. Turkmenistan government has tried to obtain foreign investments such as Turkey, Russia and UAE. Now it is notable that Turkey has a leading position in investing “Avaza” project. Simultaneously with the “Avaza” plan, the modernization of Turkmenbashi is being proceeded, because it is related with the project in infra structural aspects as airport, ferry port, railroad station and new roads. the NTZ “Avaza” project will be continued hereafter for 5 years and Turkmenistan requires more foreign investments. But the project has some problems from the beginning that the tourism zone has environmental handicaps because it is located near around the oil-resource areas and oil-refinery factories. As a result the area can be affected by air and water pollutions. And first of all, the strict policy of issuing visa is also problematic. In the long run, those problems will be resolved by Turkmenistan government,and the possibility of Korea`s investment of the NTZ “Avaza” project can be considered.