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      • KCI등재후보

        북한의 대내외 환경변화와 헌법 및 경제변화

        장명봉(Chang Myung-Bong) 한국공법학회 2004 공법연구 Vol.32 No.5

        The purpose of this paper is to analyze the constitutional changes and economic developments in the changing internal-external environment of North Korea.By studying the changes of economic circumstances and the constitutional amendments of North Korea, we can summarize the research results as follows:1) The constitutional amendments of North Korea in 1992 and 1998 have two main features. The first one deals with the completion of Kim Jong-il's power succession. This constitutional amendment included some meaning of legal preliminaries for Kim Jong-il regime by advocating 'Socialism of Our Own Style'. The background of constitutional amendment in 1998 was to make legal and institutional measures for protection of political system and economic resuscitation in Kim Jong-il regime.2) The amendments of economic clauses in the North Korean Constitution(1998) appear to convert the existing system of centrally planned economy into the so-called 'economic system of socialist market' of North Korean style. This includes the expansion of foreign trade and investment, the pursuit of economic development with encouragement for establishing more 'special economic zones', and a reflection on the change of the internal-external economic environment.3) It is thereby expected that the Kim Jong-il regime will extend a partial open-door policy in economic and foreign relations including inter-Korean relations, and gradually introduce more principles of market economy. We are fully aware of the importance of changes in the economic circumstances of North Korea. In order to steadily carry out various projects to open and reform the North Korean economy, it is important to provide encouragement to North Korean authorities for opening and reform.4) It is important to see with attention more contexts than itself to prospect constitutional change and reform of North Korea. Moreover, it would suggest to induce some enforcements toward the right direction of reform and opening of political and economic system in connection to the constitutional reform of Kim Jong-il regime.

      • KCI등재후보

        북한의 헌법변화와 경제변화

        장명봉(Chang Myung-Bong) 한국헌법학회 2003 憲法學硏究 Vol.9 No.4

        The social1st constitution of North Korea(1972) was amended twice in the 1990' s. The first amendment of the constitution was made in 1992 as a legal countermeasure against the changes of internal and external circumstances according to the collapse of the socialist regimes in Eastern Europe, disorganization of the USSR, and so on. This constitutional amendment could be interpreted to provide legal preliminaries for the Kim Jong-il regime by advocating 'Socialism of Our Own Style' as the countermove as other socialist regimes started to fall. The second amendment was made in 1998 to make legal and institutional measures for protecting the political system and economic resuscitation of Kim Jong-il regime. The economy-related clauses in the North Korean constitutuional amendment of 1998 reflect legal measures to break through their economic difficulties, authorization of the changed economic situation in North Korea, enlargement of economic opening to foreign capital, transformational necessity toward pragmatism in their economic policy, etc.. These consitutional amendments display a willingness for economic reform in North Korea for economic development in the framework of the socialist-planned economy as the basic economic system of Kim Jong-il regime. Following the enforcement of the so-called '2002 July 1 Economic Management Improvement Measures,' North Korea sought to improve domestic economic conditions by adjusting workers' wages, the market price, and the exchange rate at that time. The recent trend in the economic activities of North Korea enhanced economic improvement measures by partly adapting market principles upon the second period of Kim Jong-il regime. In addition, North Korea has shown willingness toward economic openness by designating three special economic zones including 'Sinuiju Special Administrative Region', 'Mt. Geumgang Tourist Zone' and 'Gaesong Industrial Complex' in 2002. These measures in foreign economic policy are designed to stimulate economic activity by decreasing monopolism and by strengthening foreign trade. It is important to be more attentive to the contexts for the prospect of constitutional change and reform of North Korea. Therefore, the main purpose of this study is to analyze the backgrounds, characteristics and contexts of the amended constitution(1998), and to examine economic improvement measures in domestic and foreign economic policy in North Korea. It will be suggested that the North Korean Constitution be amended in the direction of leading the Kim Jong-il regime to reform and open their political and economic systems.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        통일관련법 연구의 성찰과 방향

        張明奉(Myung-Bong Chang) 대한국제법학회 2004 國際法學會論叢 Vol.49 No.3

        통일법 연구의 문제점은 북한법에 대한 연구에서 나타나는 문제점을 드러내고 있다고 할 수 있다. 통일법 연구의 문제점과 향후 과제 및 방향을 다음에 나누어 살펴보고자 한다. 첫째, 통일법제 연구는 대부분 정부기관의 주도 하에 이루어짐으로써 정책관련 비공개 과제로 추진되는 경향이 강하다. 그것이 정책 수행상 보안이 필요하다 할지라도 연구를 통해 의사수렴과정을 거치는 것이 바람직한 것이다. 우리의 통일방안 에서도 통일헌법의 확정은 민주적 절차와 방법에 의하도록 하고 있다. 무릇 통일한 국의 기본원리와 기본질서를 담는 통일헌법은 국민적 합의에 의해 제정되어야 한다는 점에서 모든 국민의 공감대를 형성하기 위한 전제로서도 이에 대한 공론화가 요청된다. 둘째, 통일법에 관한 연구에 있어서도 그 접근시각이 편향된 경향을 보이고 있다. 과거 냉전적 이데올로기하의 연구활동 및 범위의 제한과 연구목적의 통제는 통일 법제 연구의 영역을 한정시키는 결과를 낳고 있다. 한 예로 통일헌법에 관한 연구물을 보면, 그 대부분이 통일국가의 권력구조에 편중되어 있고, 통일헌법의 이념과 기본원리에 관해서는 별로 연구가 이루어지지 않았음을 알 수 있다. 따라서 통일헌법 내지 헌법통합문제를 다루는 데에 있어서 권력통합의 면에서 나아가 통일국가의 기본원리와 기본질서에 대한 연구가 보다 심층적으로 이루어져야 할 것이다. 셋째, 통일법제 연구현황을 전체적으로 볼 때, 연구분야가 한 방면으로 치우친 감이 없지 않다. 통일을 대비하고 통일을 준비한다는 차원에서 보면 법의 전분야에 걸친 연구가 필요하다. 그렇게 함으로써 통일의 법적 준비를 전반적으로 할 수 있게 된다. 독일의 경우 이른 바 「통일조약」에서 합의한 법적 통합의 내용이 법제 전분야에 걸쳐 있음을 기억할 필요가 있다. 실제로 남북의 통일과정에서도 민사ㆍ형사ㆍ행 정 동의 분야에서의 통합이 중요하게 대두하는 만큼 이에 대한 대비가 요청된다. 넷째, 통일법을 연구하는 데에 있어 독일과 예멘의 통일사례를 검토ㆍ분석함으로써 얻을 수 있는 시사점은 많다고 할 수 있다. 그럼에도 불구하고 이를 통해 통일법제의 발전방향을 모색하는 노력은 부족한 실정이다. 이들 통일국가의 법제 통합과 관련하여 남북의 통일법제의 방향을 모색하는 연구에 많은 관심을 두어야 할 것이다. 다섯째, 분단국의 분단극복 내지 통합사례의 일환으로 중국과 대만관계(양안관계)에 대한 심층적인 연구가 요청된다. 양안관계는 동서독과 남북예멘과는 다른 상호관계의 원칙과 발전과정에서의 특징을 엿볼 수 있으며, 여기서 우리에게 주는 시사점을 찾아볼 수 있다. 여기에는 양안간의 체제통합문제는 물론이거니와 현재 이루어지고 있는 양안간 교류협력법제의 원칙과 동향에서 많은 교훈을 얻을 수 있다. 여섯째, 통일법연구에 있어서 남북관계의 변화, 특히 북한의 변화에 따른 대비입법에 관한 관심을 기울여야 한다. 지금까지의 통일법제에 관한 연구는 평시적인 상황을 고려하여 이루어진 것이었다. 예를 들면, 이른바 ‘탈북자지원법’은 바로 평시에서의 통일상황을 고려한 논의를 바탕으로 한 것으로 급변상황에 따른 법적 대비책으로는 미흡한 것이라 할 수 있다. 따라서 대량 탈북사태에서 더 나아가 북한체제의 붕괴와 같은 비상적 상황의 발생에 대비하는 법적 대책의 마련이 통일 대비차원에서 요청된다. 일곱째, 우리에게 통일은 최종단계로서 이루어지는 것이라고 말하여지는 것이 일반적이지만, 보다 면밀하게 보면 통일을 이루는 과정이 중요하다. 이 점에서 남북의 통일국가의 전제로서 남북의 화해ㆍ협력기반의 구축은 대단히 중요하다. 이에 남북의 교류ㆍ협력의 틀을 다지고 이를 발전시켜 나가기 위한 법제정비는 필수적 이다. 여기에는 남북의 각기 국내법체계의 정비와 남북의 합의에 의한 교류ㆍ협력에 대한 법체제의 확립이 포함된다. 기실 남북의 교류협력관련법제는 우리의 통일 법제연구의 중요한 구성부분이라는 점을 인식하여야 한다. The problems of unification law research reveal the problems in the research of North Korean laws. It can be said that the followings are the problems of unification law research and its direction for the Future. First, governmental institutes do most of unification law researches. So in most cases the policies are not disclosed. Even though it is required to make it confidential for the performance of a policy, it is good to get variety of ideas through the research. According to the method of unification of ours, the determination of unification constitution should be established through democratic procedure and method, The unification constitution should include basic theory and basic order of unified Korea. So it should be established under national consensus on it. It is required to make it public to form general agreement. Second, the approach to the research of unification law is inclined toward one direction. The restriction on research activity, its area and research purpose under cold war ideology in the past limited the scope of unification constitution research. For example, reading the studies of unification law, we can understand that the studies are focused on power structure of the unified country. They have hardly mentioned on the ideology and basic theory of unified constitution. So it is required to research the basic ideology and basic order of unified country including the integration of power when we deal with unified constitution and constitution integration. Third, considering the research status of unification law, the research area is inclined to a direction. It is necessary to study all areas of law to prepare the unification. Then it can prepare the unification generally. In the case of Germany, the law integration agreed on 'unification treaty' deals with all areas of legislation. In the process of unification between South and North Korea, the integration of laws on civil affairs, criminal cases and administration will be big issues. So it is necessary to prepare that. Fourth, we can get many hints by reviewing and analyzing the examples of unification in Germany and Yemen. Despite of that, it isn't enough to use the examples to find the direction of unification legislation. We should pay attention to the research on the direction of unification legislation of South and North Koreas. Fifth, it is required to deeply study the relation between China and Taiwan as an example of the way to overcome the problems of divided country and to integrate it. The relation between China and Taiwan is different from those of Germany and Yemen. We can find the rule of mutual relation and development We can find a hint there. We can earn many lessons from the rules and tendencies of communication and cooperation legislation as well as the system integration between China and Taiwan. Sixth, when we study the unification law, we should watch the change in the relation between South and North Korea, especially the change in North Korea. The study on unification legislation was achieved considering the normal situation. For example, 'law for supporting North Koreans who escapes from North Korea' is established considering the unification under normal situation. It isn't enough to prepare the unification under emergent situation. So it is required to provide lawful measurement to prepare emergent situation such as sudden demolishment of North Korean system. Seventh, it is said that the ultimate goal of our country to reunify the two Koreas. But the process to the unification is more important. So it is important to establish the foundation of reconciliation and cooperation of two Koreas as precondition for unification. It is essentially needed to repair the laws to improve the legislation to strengthen the foundation of communication and cooperation. It includes the establishment of law system on communication and cooperation according to the improvement of domestic laws of South and

      • KCI우수등재
      • 북한의 2009 헌법개정과 선군정치 : 국방위원장과 국방위원회의 지위와 권한 강화

        장명봉(Chang, Myung-Bong) 국제고려학회 서울지회 2010 국제고려학회 서울지회 논문집 Vol.13 No.-

        The amended socialist constitution of North Korea was adopted by the first session of the 12th Supreme People’s Assembly on April 9, 2009. Above all, the revised constitution consolidates Institutionalization of the Kim Jong-il’s ‘Songun’(military-first) politics. It places Kim Jong-il’s ‘Songun’ (military-first) idelogy on the same level as the nation’s founding idelogy of ‘Juche,’ which was strongly promoted by his late father and the North Korea’s founding leader, Kim Il-sung. In the revised constitution, Article 3 stipulates that North Korea “is guided in its activities by the Songun ideology and Juche idea, a world outlook centered on people and a revolutionary ideology for a achieving the independence of the masses.” The newly revised constitution dramatically reinforces the authority and duties of the chairman of the National Defense Commission (NDC) and stipulates the power that have been executed by the NDC chairman(Kim Jong-il). Article 100 in the amended statutes says that the chairman of the NDC, a post held by Kim Jong-il since 1993, is the “supreme leader of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea(DPRK).” While inarguably the most powerful figure in the reclusive socialist nation, the revisions mark the first official acknowledgment of this in the state’s constitution. New articles on the role and authority of the NDC chairman were added in the revised constitution. Article 103 states that the chairman of the NDC “oversees all state affairs, appoints and dismisses major figures in the military sector, and also ratifies or abrogate important treaties with foreign nations.” It stipulates the NDC chairman also maintains the authority to grant special pardons, and declare states of emergency and war or issue mobilization orders. As is well known, Kim Jong-il was re-elected as NDC chairman by the Supreme People’s Assembly(SPA) in April 2009. Kim was initially named chief of the NDC in 1993, a year before the death of his father. He was re-elected to the post in 1998 and 2003. Kim Jong-il officially succeeded his father in September 1998, four years after the death of the former leader. An constitutional amendment in 1992 helped transfer military command to Kim from his father. North Korea revised its constitution in 1998 to strengthen the NDC as “the highest military leading organ of State power” in charge of all defense policies and military sactions, making Kim the nation’s leader under its ‘Songun’ Politics. The NDC holds the right to appoint and dismiss key military officials, and to declare war or issue mobilization orders. As mentioned above, new articles on the role and authority of the NDC chairman and the NDC were added in the newly revised constitution of 2009. In result, North Korea has revised its constitution to articulate that the NDC chairman is the supreme leader of the country, a virtual head of state. According to the constitution, Kim Jong-il is inarguably the paramount leader of North Korea as chairman of the NDC. In this respect, the new constitution seems to suggest that the new structure of state power is a monolithic leadership system of ‘Great Leader Kim Jong-il’ as Chairman of the NDC. It can be said a mechanism of the military-first politics. In North Korea, the military-first politics is referred to regime crisis. Ever since the late 1980s when the socialist bloc collapsed, the North Korean system has been in an overall crisis. The regime continues to struggle to maintain itself. In short, the military-first political line is likely to be a survival strategy to maintain the regime and a lifeline of ‘Socialism of Our Own Style’ in North Korea. In sum, the military-first political system will be consolidated continuously.

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