徐載弼의 近代改革思想

李喜桓 群山大學校 1993 論文集 Vol.20 No.-

선조대 정여립 옥사와 정철

李熙煥 대동사학회 2005 대동사학 Vol.4 No.-

The report of Jeong Yeo-Rip's treason plot to the authorities in 1589 came from the Hwanghae-do province, not from the Jeolla-do province where he lived. The reason was that in the Hwanghae-do province Westerners(Seoin) outnumbered Easterners(Dongin), and that the Song Ik-Pil brothers resorted to trickery, who were degraded to a low rank of servant and secluded there by the Dongin. Therefore, the incident was not the plain plot of the treason, but the massacre from the fabricated plot of treason on Jeong Yeo-Rip, where Jeong Cheol and Song Ik-Pil took the lead in purging the Dongin. There is an opinion that Jeong Yeo-Rip's treason plot was real, but I think that the analysis of the related evidences shows that the contention was illogical, so it was a pure fabrication. The plot began from Yang Cheon-Hoe's memorial to the throne at Jeong Cheol's instigation, and escalated to the massacre with Jeong Jip's written statement, Nakan's scholar Son Hung-Bok's statement and Jeong Am-Su's memorial to the throne. Most of the concerned men were tortured to death before the conclusion of the judgement. The investigation was to get rid of the political rivals and the mortal enemies, not to find out the truth of the affair. King Sonjo have to share the responsibility with the Dongin for the deterioration of the situation, because he passively dealt with the plot, to leave Jeong Cheol in full charge of the judgement. It was not long before he dismissed Jeong Cheol of his office and deported him, to the result of the establishment of the Dongin government. This was to heighten the dependence of the factions upon the king himself. And the incident occurred at the early stage of the factional strife in the Joseon political scene. In this light, the disadvantages, not the advantages, of the faction politics should be examined a little more. According to the current theory of the faction politics, the political history of the late Joseon have been explained by the way of the symmetrical dichotomy, such as Padang or Bungdang. But the theory cannot explain the political scene after the conflict of the Dongin and the Seoin. The massacre of 1589 left many wrong heritages. Factional strife became hereditary, and the diversity of the thought was more suppressed, and the Dongin began to diverge into the Namin and the Bukin. Moreover the incident became a precedent of the intrigue and the murder to purge political rivals, and to seize the political power. Finally it was not real that the incident had an unfavorable influence upon the Jeolla-do province. There were no disadvantages against the hometown of Jeong Yeo-Rip from the government, which in turn proves the fabrication of his treason plot.

丹齎 申采浩의 硏究史的 槪觀

李喜桓 群山大學校 1984 論文集 Vol.8 No.-

Dan Jae, Shin Chae-Ho(1880-1936) who was a historian, a press, a writer and a nationalist engaged in various fields. So this thought and activity bear great significance in modern history of Korea. His learned study was begun in 1960's, and had been worked on a full scale for ten years-1970's celebrating his 100th birthday. But these theses were concentrated on his national stand and a history of his nationalism based on it. As his critical and comprehensive paper in 1980's is continually published by many scholars, the prospect for his new research is expected very much. The aim of this thesis is meant to contribute to a better study by arranging and summarizing the result of his study so far achieved, deciding and setting up the direction of it. I conveniently classified the fruit of all scholar's study into his historical study and thought. The paper of Shin Chae-Ho will not only give us a clue for explaining aspects of Korean modern history, but also serve as an opportunity for establishing a right direction. After this we must make a profound study of the past result on his treatise and have many questions to open up a new field through his study.

三均主義의 民族史的 根據

이희환 群山大學校 1996 論文集 Vol.23 No.-

Cho Soang who has proclaimed Samgyunism(the three principles of equality-political, economic, and educational) tried to find out the existential basis of his belief, and to demonstrate the justness of his opinion, in the process of historical development of Korea. Firstly, he has found the thoughts of gyundeung(equality) in the spirit of national foundation of Korea, and appointed the egalitarianism as the original ideology of Korean history. Secondly, he has proposed the theory of national revolution, and tried to prove the necessity of national revolution in the Korean history for the realization of political equality, by examing the social contradictions, inequality, and various revolutions on that account in the Korean history. Thirdly, he has advocated the necessity of compulsory education and his theory of national expenditure for education for the attainment of educational equality, by searching for the actual state of education in the Korean history. Fourthly, he has proclaimed the reformation of land system and his theory of nationalization of land for the fruition of economic equality, by investigating the actual conditions of land system in every stage of Korean history.

開化期 尹致昊와 基督敎信仰

李喜桓 群山大學校 1985 論文集 Vol.11 No.-

Yun Tchi-ho is one of the representative Christian intellects in the modern age of Korea, and the nature of his Christian faith is considered to suggest the internal causes of his deeds. He accepted Christianity as his religious faith during his study abroad in China, and his conversion to Christianity was not accidental and heteronomous, but self-determining. His christian faith was grown up and improved in the period of his stay in the U.S. as a college student. There were some characteristic inclinations in his Christian faith, which were at once religious traits and the limitation to that. His instrospective inclination of faith was not related to the positive will of extensive life, and his practical and behavioristic tendency undermined the foundation of intelligent, theological belief. His inclination toward this world, weakening the belief of providence and justice, reached so far as the scepticism, and his nation-oriented inclination at last resulted in agony and frustration in consequence of endless introversive conflicts.

선출되지 않은 권력들, 적폐의 거대한 뿌리

이희환 새얼문화재단 2018 황해문화 Vol.99 No.-

朝鮮初期 雜職의 設定과 運用

李喜桓 群山大學校 1992 論文集 Vol.19 No.-

世宗朝의 飢民政策

李喜桓 群山大學校 1991 論文集 Vol.18 No.-

근대 초기 출판 매체의 지역 확산과 공론·문화장의 형성

이희환 경인교육대학교 기전문화연구소 2023 기전문화연구 Vol.44 No.1

In the early modern era, the spread of modern culture in Korea began with modern newspapers and publications in the capital Hanseong, using Busan and Incheon as ports of call. Since Japan occupied the Korean Empire in 1910, the spread of modern publishing media has been mainly carried out by Japanese forces. In addition to the newspapers of Gyeongseong published by the Japanese, Japanese newspapers were distributed nationwide in each region of the country. Magazines, a modern publishing medium, were also spread by the Japanese. After the March 1st Independence Movement in 1919, as the Japanese switched to cultural rule, the publication of newspapers, magazines, and books by Koreans increased rapidly. As a result, publications published by Koreans were distributed and distributed through various publishing infrastructures in each region of the country. Each region of the country has formed its own public sphere and cultural sphere. 근대 초기 한국의 근대 문화의 전파는 개항장 부산과 인천을 기항지로 삼아 수도 한성에서 근대적 신문과 출판이 이루어지면서 시작됐다. 1910년 일본이 대한제국을 강점한 이후 근대적인 출판 미디어 매체의 전파는 주로 일본세력에 의해 진행되었다. 일본인들이 발행하는 경성의 신문 이외에도 전국각 지방마다 일본인 발행신문이 전국에 유포되었다. 근대적 출판 매체인 잡지 또한 마찬가지로 일본인들에 의해 전파되었다. 1919년 3·1만세운동 이후일제가 문화통치로 전환하면서 신문과 잡지, 단행본 출판 등에 있어서 조선인들의 발행이 급속도로 늘어났다. 그 결과 전국 각 지역으로 조선인 발간 출판물이 각종 출판 인프라를 통해 유통, 보급되었다. 전국 각 지역마다 고유한 공론장과 문화장을 형성해나갔다.

甲戌換局과 肅宗

李熙煥 전북대사학회 1989 전북사학 Vol.11ㆍ12 No.-