가공활동 중심의 금형 가공 프로세스 관리기법 구현

오제연(Jeyeon Oh),정찬웅(Chanoong Jeong) 대한기계학회 2012 대한기계학회 춘추학술대회 Vol.2012 No.6

4월혁명의 기억에서 사라진 사람들

오제연(Oh, Je Yeon) 역사비평사 2014 역사비평 Vol.- No.106

It has been almost forgotten that at the time of the April Revolution in 1960 in Korea, high school students, rather than university students, particularly evening class students, were the initiators of the movement that brought down a corrupt government. This was not their first involvement in political action; they had a long history of anti government corruption campaigns since 1950s based on the Student National Defense Corp network, Hakdohogukdan, that had first been established by the government. The day before the general election, and after it was discovered that the election campaign and results had been fraudulent, large scale rallies began in Masan, Gyeongsang Province. Some became violent, particularly during the night. This protest spread to other large cities in Korea, and eventually led to the end of the Rhee Syngman government. However, as some students from the leading universities took over the role of spokesmen for the people in order to reestablish social order, they identified the activities and involvement of the groups of high school students and urban working class, some of whom were involved in violent demonstration, as negative elements, alienated them from the success of toppling the government.

동백림 사건의 쟁점과 역사적 위치

오제연(Oh, Jeyeon) 역사비평사 2017 역사비평 Vol.- No.119

This study investigates issues relating to the East Berlin-North Korean Spy Ring Incident. is incident has been extremely controversial, and in this paper the author tries to find its historical signicance in terms of public security in the 1960s and 1970s. On July 8, 1967, the Korean Central Intelligence Agency(KCIA) provided a full account of the East Berlin-North Korean Spy Ring Incident. According to this disclosure, Korean professors and students in Europe were involved. e KCIA investigated 315 persons and sent 66 persons to the public prosecutor’s office. However, although suspicion of their crime was not recognized in court, those prosecuted were sentenced to severe punishment. en, by the late 1970, all were released from the prison by commutation and special pardon. All those who came from Europe were returned to Europe. There are several questions concerning this incident, e.g., the degree of KCIA’s involvement in torture and trials whether those involved in the incident who were living in Europe were forcibly returned to South Korea whether such people were actually involved in spying, and whether there was a connection between this incident and the malpractice of members for the National Assembly on June 8, 1967. Various suspicions were explained in the process of investigation of the past incidents of the National Intelligence Service(NIS) in 2006, but still, there are many questions to resolve. The most important fact in the East Berlin-North Korean Spy Ring Incident is that it provided the link of ‘North Korea to intellectuals to students’ commonly found in the numerous public security incidents in the 1960s and 1970s. This link showed a visible eect on controlling students and intellectuals and suppressing student movements and pro-democracy movements. However, it is inappropriate to consider the persons involved in the incident as scapegoats of a powerless regime. Most of the persons involved were those who had been critical of the Park Chung-hee regime in ordinary times or had actively wanted the democratization and reunification of Korea. In that sense, the East Berlin- North Korean Spy Ring Incident was something that took place during the process in which domination and resistance collided within the context of the democratization and reunication of Korea like many public security incidents.

이승만 정권기 ‘공화’ 이해와 정치적 전유

오제연(Oh, Jeyeon) 역사비평사 2019 역사비평 Vol.- No.127

This paper examines how the term, concept and discourse of the ‘republic’ had been understood in the Korean society and appropriated by each subject until 4.19 Revolution in 1960. e most general understanding of the ‘republic’ in those days can be divided into the ‘rejection of monarchy and orientation toward popular sovereignty’ and the ‘anticommunist republicanism based on the Cold War camp theory’. e primary meaning of the ‘republic’ is the rejection of monarchy and orientation toward popular sovereignty on the basis of popular sovereignty. Such an understanding of the ‘republic’ combined with ‘democracy’ has been continued so far, 70 years after the enactment of the establishment of the constitution. In 1950s, the Korean president Syngman Rhee denounced the Opposition as a feudal privileged forces escaping from the republicanism or criticized the cabinet government proposed by the Opposition as the most wrong form created by imitating the republicanism. Syngman Rhee, thus, appropriated the ‘republic’ and used it as a measure to oppress the Opposition. On the other hand, the Opposition or media also put forward the ‘republic’, more specifically the ‘democratic republicanism’ specified in the constitution as the strongest cause, when they criticized violation of the constitutional order, devastation of the separation of the three branches of government and denial of the representative government, caused by the Syngman Rhee administration. As such, the meaning of ‘democratic republicanism’ has been engraved on the minds of Korean people, as it has been endlessly evoked.

1950년대 대학생 집단의 정치적 성장

오제연 ( Oh Je Yeon ) 역사문제연구소 2008 역사문제연구 Vol.12 No.1

During the V.S. Military government period and the Korean war, the number of college students jumped from mere 8,000 to almost one hundred thousand. As we can see from the cases in which they were exempted from military services, these college students were indeed treated as social elites. In such atmosphere, the college students of the 1950s continued to grow a potential which would later enable them to not only physically contribute to the development of the society but also become actual leaders of that society. But at the same time, several conditions were still needed as well, if the college students were to fully realize their inner potentials. After the Korean war, the country was being rebuilt from ashes. In the wake of such rebuilding, colleges and universities were going through their own projects of constructions building main halls, grand auditoriums and libraries. Such places became centers and symbols for the campuses established inside all those colleges and universities. Each university and college established their own basic internal structure, and a new group identity, shared by the students studying and living together in same campuses, started to form. Also, large-scale student festivals which began to be held during the mid-1950s contributed to the strengthening of such group identity as well. The reinforced student group identities, formed in many universities and colleges, served as the eventual basis which transformed such identities into an actual display of political strength and voices. Since the latter half period of the 1950s, a consciousness critically viewing the society continued to build up among students armed with advanced minds and spirits. Especially, their keen interest in concepts such as freedom, democracy, the Korean people and national identity grew much stronger. College students, exhibiting this newly found critical consciousness to view the society, gradually developed their own potentials that would eventually help them lead the entire society. And these newly realized potentials and their pioneering nature, joined with the reinforced group identities of the college students, led to the college students` political growth in the 1950s. The democratic struggle that commenced on April 19th, 1960 was a truly startling event, in which for the first time in Korean history the college students fully exhibited their political capability and critical voice that had been accumulated during the 1950s.

3·1운동 100주년의 연구와 ‘3·1혁명론’

오제연(Oh, Je-yeon) 역사비평사 2020 역사비평 Vol.- No.130

This paper examined three major studies related to the March 1 revolution theory, which was actively raised to mark the 100th anniversary of the March 1 Movement. The first study emphasized the legitimacy of (the provisional government of ) the Republic of Korea based on the Cold War camp theory of anti-North Korea and anti-Communist. The second study sought to reinforce the status and meaning of the March 1 Movement by regaining the correct name of ‘revolution.’ The third study identified the March 1 Movement as the starting point for the long-term revolution of the last 100 years, leading up to the recent ‘candlelight.’ But the March 1 revolution theory has shown many limitations to fully capture the dynamics and possibilities of the March 1 Movement.

1970년대 `유언비어`의 불온성

오제연 ( Oh Je Yeon ) 역사문제연구소 2014 역사문제연구 Vol.18 No.2

The purpose of this paper is to grasp the context in which rumors were produced and spread in Korean society in the 1970s, and examine the `subversiveness` of rumors in that context. Rumors in the 1970s were in direct defiance of the `emergency measures` of the Yushin System that prohibited the fabrication and circulation of rumors. The number of people who were punished by the emergency measures was greatest with respect to those who were indicted for spreading rumors, and the government implemented severe punish-ments for spreading rumor in the late 1970s. Paradoxically, rumors continued to spread. The most distinguished characteristic of rumors is their `everydayness.` Rumors are spread through people`s daily activities such as conversation or letters. This everydayness made it difficult for the Korean government to maintain control. Daily life provided an optimal cover for subversive action. Although some subversive cases were reported and exposed, it is possible that many more evaded exposure. Daily life was a space where subversiveness and compliance co-existed, indeed. Rumors were spread in proportion to the strong media control of the Yushin System. Most people did not trust the government or the media. This distrust made people dis-believe the government`s attempt to deny certain rumors, and made the plausible aspects of rumors seem all the more viable. Rumors further aggravated distrust in and complaints against authority in daily life, and were spread through the control of authority based on the diffused distrust and complaint. This ultimately meant the breakdown of the Yushin System, which had previously seemed pretty solid. The subversiveness of rumors can be seen in this phenomenon. The Yushin System suppressed resistance ruthlessly in the 1970s, but the rumors persisted, promoting further distrust and discontentment and, finally bringing about the breakdown of authority. The fact that plausible stories that could not be heard from government or the media were spread under continual suppression such as the emergency measures was meaningful to people in and of itself. As distrust in and complaints against the government and the media pervaded, rumors could easily obtain social consensus leading to a desire for freedom and justice. As social consensus increased, the speed and strength of rumors increased as well, and the breakdown of authority grew more severe. The subversiveness of rumors in the 1970s thus became a potential point of resistance against the Yushin System. This subversiveness, as a potential of resistance, eventually erupted as actual resistance in the elections and struggles of the late 1970s.

한영우(韓永愚)선생 정년 기념호 : 논문 ; 1956~1960년 자유당 과두체제(寡頭體制)의 형성과 운영

오제연 ( Je Yeon Oh ) 서울대학교 국사학과 2004 韓國史論 Vol.50 No.-

제2공화국 시기 윤보선 대통령의 헌법상 권한과 정치 관여 논란

오제연(Oh, je-yeon) 한국인물사연구회 2015 한국인물사연구 Vol.23 No.-

There is a strong tendency of the relationship between President Yun Posun and Prime Minister Chang Myun only with the cliquish conflict between the old faction and the new faction in the Democratic Party in the description of the political history of the Second Republic of Korea. It cannot be said that this description method is completely wrong, but in order to understand the relationship between President Yun Posun and Prime Minister Chang Myun during the Second Republic of Korea better, it is necessary to look into not only the persons, ‘Yun Posun’ and ‘Chang Myun’ themselves, but also their positions, ‘President’ and ‘Prime Minister’ more closely. Especially, we should pay attention to a few principal authorities given to the President, who is the nominal head of the state under the parliamentary system. Contradiction and confusion over the authorities and responsibilities of the President and Prime Minister continued throughout the Second Republic of Korea. Although the Parliamentary system the Second Republic of Korea adopted modeled the pure Parliamentary system of the U.K., there was a confusion as if the President had power as in the Presidential system by giving the President substantial authorities to check for fear of the dictatorship of the majority party in the Parliament and the Prime Minister. Here, the cliquish opposition of interest aroused an interpretation from a self-centered angle, concerning the President’s constitutional authorities and responsibilities, which consequently, brought about an amplified collision between these two persons as time passed. Also, immediately after the May 16 Coup, President Yun Posun and Prime Minister Chang Myun shifted responsibilities to the other, regarding the issue of ‘prerogative of supreme command’ directly related to the suppression of the coup, which is a typical example that clearly shows how serious problems the conflicts of authorities between the President and the Prime Minister because of the institutional contradiction of the times caused.

베트남전쟁 파병에 대한 한국 대학생의 인식 - ‘파월장병 대학생 위문단’의 베트남 체험을 중심으로

오제연(Oh, Je-yeon) 역사비평사 2023 역사비평 Vol.- No.142