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A Minimalist Analysis of Adverbial Case in Korean
송홍기(Hong-Ki Sohng) 한국생성문법학회 2004 생성문법연구 Vol.14 No.1
This paper aims at providing a principled account of structural Case on adverbial DPs in Korean in the Minimalist framework. The gist of the analysis is two-fold: (1) the duration adverbial gets its Accusative Case feature checked by Aspect, and (2) the frequency adverbial gets its Accusative or Nominative Case feature checked by v or T, just like the verbal object. This accounts for the split between frequency and duration adverbials. I claim that no Aspect exists for the stative/psych verbs. I argue that unergative verbs are verbs with capacity to check the Accusative Case feature. As no light verb exists for an unaccusative verb, the frequency adverbial gets its Nominative feature checked by T. In case Aspect for the embedded vP has a value [0 complete] in the siph-ta construction, the durative and the frequency adverbial have their Nominative Case features checked by the matrix T.
Passives and Impersonal Verb Constructions in the History of English
Hong-Ki Sohng(송홍기),Seung-Chul Moon(문승철) 한국생성문법학회 2008 생성문법연구 Vol.18 No.1
This paper explores the Case phenomena in two types of constructions, the indirect passives and the impersonal verb constructions, in the history of English, and gives a unified account of the use of Case in these constructions in terms of the constraint interactions in the Optimality theoretical framework. It is suggested in this paper that the dominant use of Nominative on the subjects of these constructions has been incurred by the establishment of the SVO surface order due to a levelling of inflections in Middle English. It thus follows that the prevailing use of the constraint <SUP>*</SUP>SUBJ<SUB>Oblique</SUB> has also been caused by the SVO surface order fixed in Middle English. Overall, this paper suggests that the two constraints put forth here have been in force as two of the major grammatical constraints in the history of English.
A Minimalist Analysis of X^0 Reflexivization in Chinese and Korean
송홍기(Hong-Ki Sohng) 한국생성문법학회 2004 생성문법연구 Vol.14 No.3
Considering that X^0 reflexives in Chinese and Korean show distinct properties not shared by those in European languages, this paper aims at giving a unified account of X^0 reflexivization in these languages in the Minimalist framework. I show that X^0 reflexivization in these languages is directly related to whether the X^0 reflexives have inherent Φ-features. I show that the two kinds of subject orientation for X^0 reflexives in Chinese and Korean follow from a Minimalist Account of Subject Orientation and an LF Condition on Antecedence under the [Refl] feature checking analysis. The LF Condition on Antecedence excludes an object from being an antecedent for Chinese ziji with no inherent Φ-features. The blocking effect for ziji comes from LF Spec-head agreement that assigns and checks the Φ-features of ziji, and the absence of the blocking effect for the Korean X^0 reflexives is due to the fact that they have inherent Φ-features.
중국어 동사 전 목적명사구 및 수동형태소 명사구의 예외적 양태와 그 함축의미
송홍기(Sohng Hong-Ki) 한국생성문법학회 2005 생성문법연구 Vol.15 No.3
It is a well-known linguistic fact that in general, only a subject can serve as an antecedent and a blocker in the case of Chinese monomorphemic reflexivization. Contrary to our expectation, a DP that follows the passive morpheme bei or the preverbal object marker, which is a non-subject, serves as an antecedent for the Chinese reflexive, even though not serving as a blocker for a higher antecedent. Sohng (2004a) shows that the blocking effect for the Chinese monomorphemic reflexive is accounted for in terms of LF Spec-head agreement that assigns and checks the φ-features of ziji. Based on LF head movement of a monomorphemic reflexive and checking of a [Refl] feature in Agr, the analysis put forward in this paper shows clearly that the unexpected non-subject antecedence on ziji is well explained in the split-I phrase structure originating with Pollock(1989) in terms of the Conditions on Subject Orientation and LF Spec-head agreement. Thus, the non-subject antecedence on ziji that this paper deals with provides firm support to the analysis given in this paper.
A Minimalist Approach to the Syntactic Phenomena in Complement Small Clauses in English
Se-Hwan Kim(김세환),Hong-Ki Sohng(송홍기) 한국생성문법학회 2007 생성문법연구 Vol.17 No.1
This paper explores the syntactic phenomena in small clauses in English, and investigates into the derivations of small clauses. We show that two distinct operations, ""Spec-head agrement"" and ""multiple Case checking"", at two distinct levels of representation are required for feature agreement in small clauses in the Minimalist Program framework, while a single syntactic operation Agree is sufficient for both overt φ-feature agreement and Case assignment in small clauses in the Minimalist Inquiries framework. This result thus supports the framework of Minimalist Inquiries as improved grammatical theory. We propose that the null copula BE mediates between subjects and predicates of small clauses in inducing agreement that holds between these phrases.