CORBA 기반 고신뢰성 네이밍 서비스를 이용한 SDR 시스템 환경에서 지역 투명성 제공

송상현(Sang Hyun SONG),김문기(Mun Gi KIM),이병호(Byung Ho RHEE) 한국정보과학회 2003 한국정보과학회 학술발표논문집 Vol.30 No.2Ⅲ

분산 시스템 상에서 SDR 소프트웨어 시스템을 구현하려면 재구성성과 유연성이 필요하다. 따라서 이를 충족시켜줄 수 있는 객체지향 컴퓨팅 기술이 필요하게 된다. 이러한 분산 객체 구조를 가능하게 하는 핵심은 CORBA 미들웨어이다. CORBA는 소프트웨어 버스로서 분산성과 이종성을 숨기고 분산 객체들이 유연하게 통신할 수 있게 해주는 핵심 역할을 담당한다. 분산 네트워크 환경 하에서 CORBA의 네이밍 서비스는 네임 서버에 저장한 논리적 이름을 통해서 객체의 위치 정보를 얻는다. 이 방식은 서버의 물리적인 위치변화에 상관없이 객체의 위치 투명성을 제공한다. 본 논문에서는 SDR 시스템에서 클라이언트가 재구성을 위한 소프트웨어를 다운로드를 받기위해 서버의 구현객체에 논리적인 이름을 이용하여 접근을 가능하게 해주는 신뢰성 있는 CORBA 네이밍 서비스를 설계함으로써 SDR 시스템의 지역적 투명성을 지원하는 모델을 제안한다.

Saudi Bureaucratic System and Its Influence on Oil Policy in the 1980s

송상현(Song Sang Hyun) 명지대학교 중동문제연구소 2016 중동문제연구 Vol.15 No.3

The unique characteristics of the Saudi bureaucratic system, the so-called “spoke and hub” bureaucratic system, have strained the implementation of Saudi economic policies. During the first half of the 1980s, Sheikh Zaki Yamani, the Minister of Petroleum and Mineral Resources, tried to implement its long-term oil policy. Therefore, Saudi Arabia undertook the role of swing producer by reducing its oil production and sustaining a certain level of oil prices. However, Yamani’s oil policy autonomy was severely disturbed by other ministers’ independent interests during this period. Because of the increasing interference from other ministries in this period, Yamani’s oil policy lost its authority within OPEC. The research will demonstrate how this unique Saudi bureaucratic system undermined policy autonomy, particularly Saudi oil policy, in the first half of the 1980s.

요르단 무슬림 형제단의 정치적 성공과 위기요인 분석

송상현 ( Sang Hyun Song ) 부산외국어대학교 지중해연구소 2015 지중해지역연구 Vol.17 No.3

Unlike the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, the movement in Jordan has successively promoted its agenda and message in the Jordanian society. At the beginning of the movement, its conservative Islamic ideals were well matched with the political needs of the Hashemites to check potentially political opponents. As the Muslim Brotherhood effectively provided support for the sovereignty of the monarchy whenever the regime encountered political challenges, it could benefit from the limited political system by acquiring the privilege to operate various organizations, which could provide a wide range of support for local people. Under the circumstances of mutual benefits between the regime and the Muslim Brotherhood, it effectively expanded its power in the Jordanian society. However, the deterioration of relations between Jordan regime and the Muslim Brotherhood, self-inflicted wounds, and the changing dynamic of local Islamist politics in recent years has caused its erosion of political influence over the local peopl.

건선환자의 말초혈액 내 CD4+CD25+Foxp3+ Regulatory T 세포와 CD4+CD25.Foxp3+ T 세포 수에 관한 연구

송상현 ( Sang Hyun Song ),김동진 ( Dong Jin Kim ),나찬호 ( Chan Ho Na ),김민성 ( Min Sung Kim ),신봉석 ( Bong Seok Shin ) 대한피부과학회 2015 대한피부과학회지 Vol.53 No.4

Background: Regulatory T cells (Treg) are able to inhibit the immunological response and maintain cutaneous immunological homeostasis, thus preventing autoimmunity against itself. In several studies, the importance of CD4+CD25+Foxp3+ Treg in psoriasis has been examined, using the peripheral blood of patients. However, limited studies on Treg are available and shows conflicting results. Recently, CD4+CD25.Foxp3+ T cells were identified as being the peripheral reservoir of CD4+CD25+Foxp3+ Treg. Objective: The purpose of this study was to investigate differences in the CD4+CD25+Foxp3+ Treg and CD4+CD25. Foxp3+ T cell counts between patients with psoriasis and normal controls. Methods: For phenotypic analysis, the proportions and absolute cell numbers of CD4+CD25+Foxp3+ Treg and CD4+CD25.Foxp3+ T cells in the peripheral blood were examined by flow cytometry. The correlation between the CD4+CD25+Foxp3+ Treg count and other parameters (age of onset, disease duration, BSA, psoriasis area and severity index score, and clinical stage) was also analyzed. Results: Although the CD4+CD25+Foxp3+ Treg count was slightly increased while the number of CD4+CD25. Foxp3+ T cells was slightly decreased in psoriasis patients than that of the controls, the differences between the groups were not statistically significant (5.27±2.60 vs. 4.70±1.35, p>0.05; 1.56±1.07 vs. 1.93±1.08, p>0.05). The CD4+CD25+Foxp3+ Treg count did not correlate with the tested parameters except for the clinical stage of psoriasis. The mean±SD number of CD4+CD25+Foxp3+ Treg in the stable phase was higher than that in the progressive phase (7.26±2.58 vs. 4.35±2.10, p<0.05). The CD4+CD25.Foxp3+ T cell count did not show any significant correlation with all the parameters tested (p>0.05). Conclusion: These findings suggest that the CD4+CD25+Foxp3+ Treg count alone is insufficient to explain the pathogenesis and severity of psoriasis. However, a decrease in circulating CD4+CD25+Foxp3+ Treg is likely to be correlated with an aggravation of psoriasis. (Korean J Dermatol 2015;53(4):270∼276)

사우디아라비아 석유정책이 제2차 석유파동에 미친 영향

송상현(Song, Sang Hyun) 한국이슬람학회 2015 한국이슬람학회논총 Vol.25 No.2

It is generally believed that the increasing political instability in Iran in late 1978 and the consequent Islamic Revolution in 1979 caused the second oil shock in the world oil market. Although these political events in Iran increased the instability of the world oil market, their impact on skyrocketing oil prices was limited. When we look into the world oil market during this period in detail, it was Saudi Arabia, which gave market forces opportunities to agitate the world oil market by skyrocketing oil prices. In the first half of 1979, Saudi oil policy was deviated from its long-term economic interests in maximizing oil wealth through price moderation mainly due to short-term political exigencies. During this period, Saudi Arabia had two main political concerns, the political unrest in Iran and the conflict in Yemen. The Saudi government needed to appease the new Iranian government and tried to show its amicable attitude towards its oil policy. On the other hand as the skirmishes between the Yemen Arab Republic and the People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen erupted into a full scale war by February 1979, diplomatic cooperation from Iraq and Syria was needed to achieve the cease-fire. Furthermore, Saudi Arabia tried to press the US to change its controversial foreign policy in the Middle East based on the Camp David Accords. All these political considerations in early 1979 reflected on Saudi Arabia’s oil policy by reducing its oil production and raising oil prices. However, politically motivated Saudi oil policy aggravated a tighter world oil market and the consequent rising oil prices in the spot market with the growing influence of market forces over the world oil market mainly contributed to the second oil shock.

와하비즘의 발흥과 사우드가와의 종교-정치적 동맹에 대한 역사적 고찰

송상현(Song, Sang-Hyun) 한국중동학회 2017 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.38 No.2

One of major political factors for the founding of the Saudi state is Wahhabism, an extreme version of Sunni Islam, which has dominated both the religious stage and in the polity in Saudi Arabia. The barren desert territory of central Arabia and the harsh environment with the most meager economic surplus had long left most of central Arabia politically and religiously marginalized from the influence of the outside world, and more particularly of the Ottoman Empire. As a result, some of the major tribal confederations enjoyed autonomy in central Arabia with little or no serious interference from the Ottomans. This context facilitated the emergence of Wahhabism in the region and led to the formation of a lasting alliance between two religiously and politically important figures, Muhammad Ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab and Muhammad Ibn Sa‘ud. Since the establishment of the religio-political alliance between the two families in the mid eighteenth century, Wahhabism has provided the Saudi ruling family with legitimacy for its control over the Arabian Peninsula as long as it devotes itself to the implementation of a particular version of Islam in Saudi society. The religious zealotry of the Wahhabis was one of the major driving forces in the conquest of the Arabian Peninsula by providing the Āl Sa‘ud with political justification in the name of jihad. This study will find major factors which had contributed to the emergence of Wahhabism in Najd and demonstrate why Muhammad Ibn Saud accepted Wahhabism in the 18th century.

사우디아라비아 ‘비전 2030’의 경제적·정치적 배경과 향후 과제

송상현(Song, Sang Hyun) 한국중동학회 2019 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.40 No.2

Saudi Arabia a typical rentier state generating about 90% of government revenue and 30-40% of GDP from oil exports. In the mid-2010s, Saudi Arabia is experiencing unprecedented economic and political challenges. Low oil prices caused by the ‘Shale Revolution’ makes oil rich Kingdom’s dominant position as a price controller in the world oil market weaker and it is predicted that low oil prices will be continued for a long time. Low oil prices since the half of 2014 have caused economic difficulties recording a decrease in GDP, massive fiscal deficit, and the fall of Saudi Arabia’s net foreign assets. In addition to the increase of its population, high unemployment rate of young Saudi nationals is a key for Prince Muhammad bin Salman to sit on the throne in the near future. As the efforts to overcome these political and economic challenges, he announced on 25 April 2016 “Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030.” This paper tries to assess the efforts of the Saudi government in diversifying its economy. In addition, it will look into the political and economic background of implementing “Vision 2030” and discuss the future of this unprecedented economic reform.

아부다비투자청의 운용현황 및 투자정책과 한국의 투자 유치방안

송상현(Song, Sang Hyun) 한국중동학회 2021 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.42 No.1

The UAE government has been operating the sovereign wealth fund since the mid-1970s based on the increased source of surplus oil revenue. According to the Sovereign Wealth Fund Institute (SWFI), as of 2021, the UAE government is managing a total of six sovereign wealth funds (SWFI 2021). The Abu Dhabi government, which accounts for 90% of the UAE s oil revenues, has established an additional smaller sovereign wealth fund, Mubadala Investment Company together with the Abu Dhabi Investment Authority (ADIA), the largest sovereign wealth fund among the GCC countries. As a result, we are managing two sovereign wealth funds. In addition to Abu Dhabi, the federal government, the Dubai government, and the Ras al-Khaima and Sharjah governments each have one sovereign wealth fund, but the size is smaller than in Abu Dhabi. Rather than analyzing all six sovereign wealth funds in the UAE, this study prioritized ADIA, the largest sovereign wealth fund in the UAE, which has recently shown great interest in Korean investment. This paper examines the history and size of the UAE sovereign wealth fund, analyzes the world s third-largest ADIA management status and investment strategy, and proposes Korea s investment attraction strategy. Data from SWFI was basically used for the size of sovereign wealth fund assets for the study.

사우디아라비아 석유산업 개발배경에 대한 역사적 고찰

송상현 ( Sang Hyun Song ) 한국외국어대학교 중동연구소 2017 중동연구 Vol.36 No.2

The economic interests of Saudi Arabia in the development of the oil industry have coincided with those of the West. Politically and economically marginalized, the Saudi state desperately needed a source of finance to consolidate its power. Without securing such a source, its disintegration would only be a matter of time. On the other hand, the importance of oil as a primary energy source in the twentieth century encouraged the West, particularly the United Sates, to establish amicable relations. The first oil concession in Saudi Arabia was granted not to the Americans but to the British. ‘Abd al-‘Aziz had sold an oil concession in al-Hasa province to Major Holmes’ Eastern and General Syndicate in 1923, at a time when his situation in Najd was still quite precarious and he was beginning to encounter political and financial difficulties in his effort to consolidate his position in the Arabian Peninsula. As the Eastern and General Syndicate had already run out of funds before any serious drilling commenced, Holmes withheld all royalties after paying just ￡4,000, and ‘Abd al-‘Aziz ended the concession in 1928. In the 1930s, the UK still had influence in large parts of the Middle East such as the Trucial States, Southern Arabia, and Jordan, Iraq and Palestine, as well as in southern Persia. However, ‘Abd al-Aziz took the opportunity to strike a deal with the US, as a strategic maneuver to counterbalance the influence of the UK. After the decision of Iraq Petroleum Company to withdraw its bid because of the high expense of the concession and the uncertainty of oil discovery in Saudi Arabia, American oil company, Socal, bid for a concession in 1933.

국제형사재판소와 21세기의 국제형사법의 발전방향

송상현 ( Sang Hyun Song ) 아세아여성법학회 2005 아세아여성법학 Vol.8 No.-

The past century witnessed enormous atrocities. Two World Wars devastated large parts of the World and les to extremely high casualties. The perpetrators of these crimes often went unpunished. Shielded by self-imposed amnesties, some of the most cruel and violent dictators enjoyed impunity from punishment. The need for international criminal justice was evident. Asia is home to one of the two cradles of international criminal justice. The famous Tokyo Tribunal, which together with its Nurnberg counterpart laid the foundations for the adjudication by international courts of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. The two tribunals also sparked the idea of a permanent International Criminal Court. Since then, Asia has played an important role in the advancement of international criminal justice. The prosecutionof war crimes in East Timor through an internationalized court and more recently the establishment of internationalized Extraordinary Chambers in Cambodia aptly demonstrate that Asian countries are willing to bring to justice those responsible for the most heinous crimes. These countries want to continue to fight impunity and rely on the ICC, as an enforcement mechanism and watchdog. An early but unsuccessful attempt to establish an international criminal tribunal can be found in the Versailles peace treaty of 1919. article 227(1) specified that the former German emperor Wilhelm Ⅱ was to be arraigned for ”a supreme offence against international morality and the sanctity of treaties. However, the innovative and ambitious approach of the Versailles peace treaty was not put into practice. WilhelmⅡ sought asylum in the Kingdom of the Netherlands and the country refused to surrender him to the allied. Despite the meagre practical results of the Versailles peace treaty and the inter bellum period, theidea to bring to justice war criminals continued to gain momentum. As early as 1942 the allied powers instituted a war crimes commission, which was charged with the collection of evidence of war crimes and other atrocities. In the wake of the war, two tribunals were set up to try the major war criminals. The main message of these tribunals was famously put in the Nurnberg judgement: “Crimes against international law are committed by men, not by abstract entities, and only by punishing individuals who commit such crimes can the provisions of international law be enforced.” The idea of direct individual criminal responsibility was born. The Nurnberg and Tokyo military tribunals only tried the major war criminals. While the war crimes and atrocities of World War Ⅱ were not comprehensively prosecuted, the track record was much better than after World War. The General Assembly of the United Nations (UN) reaffirmed the Nurnberg principles and a year later requested the International Law Commission (ILC) to draft a Code of Crimes against the Peace and