근대건축물 정밀안전진단 사례

박구병(Park, Koo-Byoung),김동희(Kim, Dong-Hee),이석호(Lee, Seok-Ho),김민수(Kim, Min-Soo) 한국구조물진단유지관리학회 2011 한국구조물진단학회 학술발표회논문집 Vol.15 No.1

The purpose of this inspection and structural anlysis is to find the physical and functional flaw about modern Building, in addition to check structural safety of modern Building because of the effect surrounding construction sites.

바람직한 제3세계 역사의 서술 방향 : 라틴아메리카 관련 서술의 경우

朴枸炳(Park Koo-Byoung) 역사교육연구회 2004 역사교육 Vol.92 No.-

This article attempts to find appropriate orientation in writing the Third World history with a special emphasis on Latin America. Even after the wave of globalization, Latin America remains a remote entity and Latin American Studies is still in its infancy in Korea. Under the 7th national curriculum since 2001, the importance of a course of World History in Korean high schools has been seriously reduced. While the textbooks aim at pursuing a global history by introducing history of several underdeveloped countries for the first time in Korean national curriculum such as sub-Saharan Africa and ancient civilizations in Central and South America, the Third World including Latin America still remains a part of well-assorted stock. The more serious problem is that until now history textbooks in Korea have accepted eurocentric interpretation, and reinforced hierarchical thoughts of the world. Eurocentrism in history textbooks has referred to not only asymmetrical coverage portion between Europe and North America on one side and the Third World on the other, but also orientalist approach that tends to define the latter as regressive and backward. Therefore, it is necessary to revise the current narratives of the Third World in history textbooks based on ideological and economic perspectives. This is a vital step to go beyond the dominant current of eurocentric and stereotypical understanding of the Third World in Korean society and extend its horizon to terra incognita whose historical experiences are more comparable to those of Korea.

‘멕시코혁명기념건축물’과 혁명 기억의 재건

박구병(Park, Koo-Byoung) 한국라틴아메리카학회 2016 라틴아메리카연구 Vol.29 No.4

This article examines why the post-revolutionary state built public commemorative memorials such as the Monument to the Revolution in Mexico City to glorify the Mexican Revolution and perpetuate its official memory. The significance of the Monument to the Revolution in reinforcing national integration and unification as well as in prolonging its commemoration has been only marginally discussed. Post-revolutionary leaders regarded the cityscape as an artifact of the Revolution, and therefore a way of demonstrating the direction of the national government following the prolonged revolutionary upheaval. The historian Patrice Elizabeth Olsen properly points out that the construction of the Monument to the Revolution was intended to reconstruct public memory of the Revolution as well as contemporary history, and to reconcile rival forces by removing Europhilic symbols of the Porfirio Díaz regime, such as the Palace of the Federal Legislature. The Monument adopted Prehispanic architectural forms to extol indigenous cultures and mexicanidad. Also inherent in the monument were the legitimation of post-revolutionary state and a symbolic reclamation of public space. The Monument to the Revolution in the capital city was paradigmatic, not only of revolutionary change, but also of a grand transition from the nationalist struggle for Independence to the liberal Reform of the mid-19th century, culminating in the Revolution of the 20th century. However, the enduring, evocative power of the Monument has had more to do with a subsequent modification that was carried out in the early 1940s, rather than with its original design and concepts in the previous decade. Its architect then designed an honored cemetery for five revolutionary leaders, and thereafter the meaning of the Monument and its linkage with the Revolution were definitively enhanced.

연장된 까르데나스체제 - 라사로 까르데나스 ( Lazaro Cardenas ) 와 멕시코 정치의 탈군사화 , 1938 - 1945

박구병(Koo Byoung Park) 한국서양사학회 2002 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.72

Extended Cardenismo: La´zaro Ca´rdenas and the Demilitarization of Mexican Politics, 1938-1945 The article deals with not only the presidency of La´zaro Ca´rdenas(1934-1940) in Mexico but also extended cardenismo after his presidency until 1945. Previous literature has mainly examined Ca´rdenas` incorporation politics of popular groups into governing coalition during his presidency and showed to what extent Mexicos political trajectory after 1940 contrasted with Ca´rdenas` radical politics represented by the oil expropriation and intensive land reform. As exemplified in a popular title the Mexican Revolution, 1910-1940, many works have claimed that after 1940, the pivotal year, the institutionalized Revolution began to change its preceding radical orientation. By contrast, this article intends to explore coherent trends of demilitarizing politics and reinforcing one-party rule that passed through the period between 1938 and 1945, a more moderate and consolidating phase of Ca´rdenas` decade. In particular, it pays close attention to considerable political influence that Ca´rdenas continued to maintain during his post-presidential years as a high-ranking military leader such as Commander of the Military Region of the Pacific (1941-1942) and Secretary of National Defense(1942-1945). While Mexico witnessed a long period of marginalizing military influence in politics since the Revolution had ended, Ca´rdenas played a bridge role in transforming the era of military politicos into the subsequent civilian rule. Like his predecessors, Ca´rdenas tried to establish a more disciplined and dependable army by promoting selective professionalization and incorporation of loyal military factions. In order to centralize his control over the military, Ca´rdenas undermined local bases of caudillos and their militias, which had remained remnants of revolutionary militarism. In the meantime, professionalization of the military allied with central government played a decisive role in subduing regional warlordism. He effectively prevented politically ambitious military leader from challenging against central authorities by allowing them to find alternative compensation in business sectors. Reorganizing the governing party in March 1938, he converted the military from political contestant into a pillar of theone-party system. Thus the professionalized military as a shareholder in the governing party was expected to confine its activities to maintaining institutional stability. Indeed much of Ca´rdenas` success of demilitarization derived from his incorporation into politics of agrarian and labor groups, which came to off counterbalances to military power within the institutional boundary. Moreover, Ca´rdenas brought a different dimension in demilitarizing Mexican politics. In sharp contrast to Obreg´on who wanted to be President once again or Calles who controlled important decision-making behind the scenes, after his presidency Ca´rdenas set a model of political non-intervention as a supreme commander of the army. Despite his influential position in the wartime situation and constant rumors regarding his political ambition, Ca´rdenas continued to lead professionalization of the military, without repeating his predecessors` customary political intervention. Ca´rdenas established a new paradigm of Mexican politics by exemplifying the principle of political non-intervention of the professionalized military. Ca´rdenas` continuing role after 1940 was instrumental in reinforcing long-standing one-party system and has distinguished the political history of Mexico from that of other Latin American countries, in most of whom the military had remained a principal and dangerous player in the political game at least until a couple of decades ago. Unlike them, Mexico has never undergone any serious military threat since the last 1930s and firmly established civilian control of the military afterwards. Although it is true that his broad

세계에 비춰 본 유럽 : 아메리카노의 독립투쟁과 에스파냐 자유주의의 변화, 1808~1823

박구병 ( Koo Byoung Park ) 한국서양사학회 2012 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.112

This article attempts to examine the Spanish response to the dissolution of Spain`s empire in the Americas and the influence of Latin American independent movements on Spain`s political shift during the period of 1808~1823. It also pays to be attentive to some aspects of transatlantic interrelation by focusing on to what extent political ups and downs in the Iberian peninsular shaped by Americanos` struggle for self-government and independence. From the late 18th century to the early 19th century, the Spanish Atlantic Empire was embroiled in intense battles for independence and liberal revolution. Meanwhile, Spain`s response to independent movements of its American colonies was determined by a single and consistent policy: uncompromising disapproval of independence. The Constitution of 1812, albeit applauded as a hallmark of Spanish liberalism, demonstrated the moral dilemma and contradictory move of Spanish liberals who decided to deprive African descendants , blacks and castes, of their suffrage. In other words, the Constitution of 1812 itself was discriminatory toward Americanos and their demands for equal representation in the Cortes. Furthermore, the restoration of Fernando VII to the throne in May 1814 led to a complete reappraisal of colonial policies and preparation for the military reconquest of American colonies, some of whom pursued independence. In January 1820, sedition spread among the junior officers of expeditionary forces led by Major Rafael del Riego who fostered ideals of restoring the liberal 1812 constitution and firmly believed that its implementation was the last chance to save the empire. However, the Constitutional triennium , 1820~1823, had to give a way to the second restoration in a state of political division among the liberals. Spanish political process from the first restoration in 1814 to the second one in 1823 was full of dramatic turnabouts and conversion that could compare to the French revolutionary decade. The rapid and violent political oscillation in Spain during the period impeded the possibilities of its recovery of former colonies slipping away in America. The political ups and downs in the Iberian peninsular were closely linked to the process of Americanos` struggle for independence. Indeed, the revolutions in America contributed towards, if not directly produced, a series of crises in the Spanish ancient regime and the breakdown of the Spanish empire by providing the motive power for the Spanish liberal reform.

과테말라의 내전 종식 이후

박구병(Park, Koo-Byoung) 한국라틴아메리카학회 2018 라틴아메리카연구 Vol.31 No.4

Guatemala, in Central America, was a prominent example of a counterinsurgency state that culminated in a terrible genocide carried out against indigenous villages by the military dictatorship in the early 1980s. Although the signing of peace accords in December 1996 marked a dramatic transition from war to peace in the region, it turned out to be only a step toward a negative peace, in other words, toward the absence of armed violence. Guatemala seemed to have a long way to go toward a positive peace such as that required for a fairer society, one that is free from want, and poised for the achievement of an appropriate public order and development. It should be noted that civil society organizations in Guatemala represented by the Civil Society Assembly (ASC) played a crucial role in defining the priorities of the peace process and mediating between the Guatemalan government and the guerrilla groups. After the signing of the peace accords, the Guatemalan Truth Commission (CEH) tried to clarify the root causes of the prolonged civil war and how they had functioned, in order to present recommendations for building a firm and lasting peace. The recommendations included the reduction of poverty, reduction of socioeconomic inequality, eliminating discrimination against the indigenous population, and eradicating impunity. Furthermore, there are decisive structural changes needed for establishing a lasting peace in Guatemala including the establishment of an integral strategy for public safety based on the progressive demilitarization of the society, the strengthening of processes and institutions for participatory democracy, the equitable redistribution of land and resources, and the building of a multiethnic and intercultural society through adequate recognition of the rights of the indigenous. It is also worthy of note that actors and institutions at the local and grassroots levels are indispensable in implementing peace agreements and carrying out integral human development.

프랭클린 D. 루스벨트의 ‘선린정책’과 멕시코의 석유 국유화

박구병(Koo-Byoung Park) 한국라틴아메리카학회 2007 라틴아메리카연구 Vol.20 No.4

This article shows how Franklin D. Roosevelt(FDR)’s Good Neighbor policy affected the Latin American country’s internal affairs by paying special attention to the Mexican expropriation policy of oil wells managed by foreign multinational corporations in March 1938. During the Lazaro Cardenas presidency, the multinational oil enterprises that had operated in Mexico soon came under severe criticism for their maltreatment of workers and their failure to adhere to Mexican laws and pay taxes. The Mexican workers who were considered largely underpaid, precipitated a series of strikes in the main oil production areas and the situation reached a point of crisis. On March 18, 1938, Cardenas issued a decree that substantially expropriated oil wells of multinational corporations and nationalized the entire domestic petroleum industry. Facing with the international crisis surrounding the oil expropriation, the Roosevelt administration consistently maintained Good Neighbor policy that would produce a longer effect regarding the national interests. Good Neighbor policy paved a more favorable foundation for pan-American cooperation that would function effectively as the Western hemisphere became closely involved with the wartime situation especially after summer of 1939. Because of its geographical proximity, vast natural resources, and a lack of appropriate protection of unguarded shores, unprotected oil fields and mines, Mexico became a main strategic concern for the U.S. defense project. From the U.S. perspective, this possibility was very significant for several reasons: Mexico shared southern border with the U.S.; Mexico was the second largest Latin American country in population; Mexico had more questions at issue with the U.S. than any of others, especially culminated in oil expropriation dispute; finally other Latin American countries considered the U.S. approach toward Mexico as a yardstick of the reliability of the Good Neighbor policy. The Cardenas’ presidency has been recognized as the culmination of revolutionary nationalism in Mexico because of his reform politics such as agrarian and labor reform as well as the oil nationalization. Cardenas was able to strengthen at least symbolically the economic independence by means of the expropriation of oil industry that had formerly been controlled by foreign companies, and took advantage of the wartime situation to avoid overall boycott of the Mexican oil products before the end of his and Roosevelt’s presidential terms. However, right after the promulgation of oil expropriation, his reform politics began to change its preceding radical orientation. FDR’s Good Neighbor policy exercised gradual influence on Cardenas’ change of pace in his internal politics and eventually succeeded in steering Mexico to a new phase of mutual cooperation.

망명 이주민 멘추의 삶에 나타난 세계시민성의 단면

박구병(Koo-Byoung Park) 한국사회과교육연구학회 2009 사회과교육 Vol.48 No.4

마야 원주민인 리고베르타 멘추는 과테말라 내전이 낳은 망명 이주민으로서 군부독재체제의 원주민 학살을 고발하고 내전의 종식과 원주민 권리 회복을 위해 노력함으로써 1992년 노벨평화상을 수상했다. 그의 인생역정을 요약한다면 국경을 넘는 삶 또는 지역과 국가의 틀을 넘어 전 세계를 무대로 활동하는 초국적인 삶이라고 할 만하다. 망명 이주민 멘추의 생애는 무엇보다 다양한 이주와 이동, 즉 국내 추방, 이웃 국가인 멕시코로의 망명, 세계 각지 순방과 국제기구를 활용하는 정치 활동 등을 통해 세계의 여러 문제를 인식하게 될 뿐만 아니라 원주민 공동체와 지역, 국가, 세계를 연계시키는 세계시민의 귀감이 된다. 또 노벨평화상 수상을 계기로 진보적 성향의 정치 세력과 지식인들의 우상이 된 멘추가 사고의 독립성을 견지하는 가운데 혁명 투쟁으로부터 점차 새로운 방식의 사회운동으로 활동의 폭을 넓혔다는 점에 주목할 필요가 있다. 아울러 멘추의 삶은 신자유주의적 세계화 시대를 풍미한‘위로부터의 세계시민성’과 대비되는‘아래로부터의 세계시민성’의 실례를 제시해준다. This article focuses on the relationship between political upheaval and migration through the life of asylum seeker Rigoberta Menchu from Guatemala and pays special attention to the contribution of her transnational life to the discussion of global citizenship. Rigoberta Menchu Tum, a Mayan born in Guatemala, became an international icon for the rights of indigenous people in the Americas and ethnocultural reconciliation, especially after receiving the 1992 Nobel Peace Prize. The life of Rigoberta Menchu can be summarized as a life of “Crossing Borders,” just as the English title of her second book exposes. First of all, Menchu became a model global citizen who interconnects a local community, the national, and the global through her dramatic transnational experiences. It should be also noted that she increasingly evolved into a public figure with propensity for independence of thoughts. In addition, Menchu’s life gives a wonderful example of radical democratic conceptions of global citizenship, in other words, “global citizenship from below” that may be the strongest alternative to globalization and “global citizenship from above.”

1970년대 말-1980년대 초 미국의 ‘기독교 우파’와 과테말라 오순절파의 동반 성장

박구병(Park, Koo-Byoung) 한국라틴아메리카학회 2016 라틴아메리카연구 Vol.29 No.1

This article tries to examine distinctive aspects of transnational ties and partnership between the American Religious Right and the Guatemalan Pentecostalism in the late 1970s and the early 1980s. First of all, it is crucial to inquire closely into the respective socio-political backgrounds in which each religious tendency had expanded. During the period, evangelical Protestants and the politically conservative in the United States had merged to form a political sect called Religious Right, and there had been the rapid growth of Pentecostalism, especially in war-ridden rural areas of Guatemala, not to speak of urban upper and middle strata. This unusual phenomenon in Guatemala would probably not have been possible without lengthy civil war and collective conversion of indigenous communities in the western highlands. This article traces what mainly caused their mass conversion to Pentecostalism as well. According to David Stoll, an American anthropologist, one of the main reasons has to be sought in the failure of revolutionary strategy by guerrilla groups rather than in the sponsorship of the American Religious Right. Nonetheless, there is also a need for attention to the close relationship between American evangelical organizations and influential Pentecostal churches in Guatemala; in particular, those represented by the Church of the Word (Iglesia Cristiana Verbo) generated support for José Efraín Ríos Montt, the Guatemalan born-again dictator, while also being influenced by the support of American evangelical missions. Ríos Montt’s ascension to presidency through a military coup in 1982 was emblematic of how Pentecostalism penetrated deep into the country’s dominant bloc. He left a notable mark on Guatemalan politics by allowing religion to play an overt political role. This article finally argues that Ríos Montt’s presidential term turned out to be a transition period during which American evangelical influence overlapped with that of his counterinsurgency strategy, as Guatemalan Pentecostal growth and Pentecostalism in Guatemala began to disclose their distinctive regional aspects.

멕시코혁명 및 혁명 후 체제에 대한 연구 동향의 변화 -1980년대 말 이래 영,미 학계의 연구를 중심으로

박구병 ( Koo Byoung Park ) 서울대학교 인문학연구원 2005 人文論叢 Vol.54 No.-