호텔외식조리 전공 대학생의 진로의사결정유형과 자기효능감, 취업기대감, 진로준비행동 연구

김희기(Kim Hee-kee),이준재(Lee Jun-Jae) 한국관광레저학회 2011 관광레저연구 Vol.23 No.6

항전전 남경국민정부의 경제건설과 외자도입에 관한 일고찰

김희신 ( Kim Hee Shin ) 고려대학교 역사연구소 1993 사총 Vol.42 No.-

1930년대 국립사천대학과 국가 상징성

김희신 ( Hee Sin Kim ) 고려대학교 역사연구소 2011 사총 Vol.74 No.-

This study purposed to illuminate by stages the pattern of change in the symbolism of ``state (national)`` in academic areas and conflicts among individuals and organizations surrounding the symbolism during the period from the nationalization of Sichuan University in 1931 to the late 1930s when Sichuan attained a political status as ``the last defense line of nation state`` and, by doing so, to examine how individuals, organizations and the state coped with globalization, its effects on the reshuffling of local order in the future, and its results. This study was not simple description of ``the history of Sichuan University`` for explaining the growth process of the school, but an analysis of interaction among complicated mixed elements in the background of the growth of the school focused on academic, educational and cultural aspects. Issues surrounding the National Sichuan University in the 19305, in particular, those related to the appointment and retirement of the principal, the invitation of professors, school operation, academic and educational environment, and student selection involve the relation between the local government and the central government as well as academic and political relations. This study analyzed reactions and behaviors of various groups surrounding the reform of the university and discussed cooperation and collision among them, but these topics are also closely related with the restructuring of local order in Sichuan. The relation between the academic circles and the political and military circles, that is, the academic and political order in Sichuan was changed in response to the change in the status of Sichuan and the reform of the Sichuan University. Accordingly, it is possible to analyze changes in academic and political groups and their hierarchical order in history after the integration of Sichuan in the 1930s. In addition, this study will discuss the role of the state in the establishment and transition of the hierarchical order. In fact, until the integration of Sichuan, the power of the state was not decisive in determining the direction of the order and the development of academic circles. Furthermore, there was a possibility for collision among sectors surrounding political power if individuals and organizations are engaged in political activities or give pressure to block or allow changes, or if the stare works as a driving force of change with initiative. An example is that when the National Government moved the capital to Chongqing and appointed Cheng Tian fang of the CC Line as the principal in November, 1938, many sectors of Sichuan waged campaigns claiming the unjustness of the appointment and resisting the state`s education control policies, but the power of the state was rather reinforced.

호텔 웨딩,연회 종사원의 개인 갈등이 경영 성과에 미치는 영향 관계

김희기(Hee Kee Kim),안성근(Seong Geun An),이준재(Jun Jae Lee) 한국조리학회 2008 한국조리학회지 Vol.14 No.2

논문(論文) : 신라(新羅) 고관제(古官制)의 운영(運營)과 그 성격(性格)

김희만 ( Heui Man Kim ) 동국사학회 2007 동국사학 Vol.43 No.-

This study is aimed at finding out the change process of Silla old office system(古官制) through bone-rank system(骨品制) and Office System(官制). In 520 Bupheung(法興) promulgated a code of administrative law that is believed to have delineated the seventeen-grade office rank structure, prescribed proper attire for the officialdom, and instituted the bone-rank system. Contents of office system and old office system were recoded in sacbokji(色服志) and chikgangji(職官志) by samguksagi(三國史記). Old office system is consist of kumha(衿荷)-sangdang(上堂)-chukwi(赤位)-daesa(大舍) etc. That was managed on before the system constructed, gradually make progress young(令)-kyung(卿)-daesa(大舍)-sa(史) etc. This system was installed on 7years Bupheung, at first that were managed high level limited, finally the fragments of old office system were remained wihwabu(位和府), and sawonsungjion(寺院成典). As it were, this system translated after 5years Chinduk(眞德) lastly.

재조선 화교 염상과 조선총독부의 외염 관리

김희신(Kim Hee-sin) 중국근현대사학회 2018 중국근현대사연구 Vol.77 No.-

This study examines the activities of overseas Chinese salt merchants in Joseon, especially after the foreign salt management of Joseon Governor General, how the activities of salt merchant have declined. Looking at the imports of foreign salt by open ports in 1905‐1909, most of the Chinese salt was imported through Incheon and Jinnampo. The volume of import through Busan and Wonsan was very small and almost nothing. In the 1920s, with the increase in Chinese salt consumption in Joseon, it expanded to other commercial ports such as Gunsan, Mokpo, Busan, Wonsan, and Shinuiju. Among them, 16 overseas Chinese merchants" stores selling Chinese salt were found in Incheon, Jinnampo, Gunsan, Mokpo and Shinuiju in 1930. Although there was some variation in the distribution of salt merchants by port, during the decade of the 1920s, Joseon"s overseas Chinese merchants seemed to have maintained their business without any major changes. Overseas Chinese salt merchants from different regions in the country were mainly engaged in consignment sales on behalf of salt boats from China, or by purchasing salt from the Junk(帆船) directly from China, the stores themselves traveled directly to and from China, transporting and selling salt. The process of importing and exporting salt with China"s Junk was subject to taxes with various names. In addition to export and import tariffs, Chinese Consulate in Joseon collected ‘帆船照費’ along with ‘帆船噸捐’ when the Junk arrived. In particular, the income of two items collected from Incheon consulate was used as an expense for ‘Incheon Overseas Chinese Elementary School’ since 1914. In general, Chinese salt imported through open ports was consumed locally by wholesalers and retailers or re‐transferred to various parts of Joseon. Overseas Chinese merchants in Joseon had store nets and customer lists in major commercial areas based on long commercial activities. In addition, they organized a salt‐business organization in each area to study Chinese salt and cope with its related business. This commercial network had important implications for salt demand, market research, information transmission and commodity trading in the Joseon market. Meanwhile, the Joseon Governor General in April 1930 started the management of imported salt in the name of Joseon"s salt industry protection. The monopoly bureau stated that they would basically do things so that the ‘existing salt workers would not be affected as possible as they could,’ according to the circumstances of each region, but it turned out that it was impossible for existing salt workers to maintain their operations. Regardless of the region, the bureau set very low prices, and there was a drastic change in the existing way of commerce. Most of the prospects of overseas Chinese salt merchants were desperate. Thus, the Chinese government tried to reduce the export tax rate of Junk salt considering the situation of salt merchants and to encourage export through cost reduction. In March 1935, there were only four salt handling stores in Incheon left, and all of the overseas Chinese salt merchant"s import sales rights were lost in other areas. The revenue of `帆船照費` and `帆船噸捐’was sharply reduced, adding to the difficulty of the security of the Incheon Overseas Chinese Elementary School, which eventually resulted in a temporary closure in 1932. Of course, the reason why the Overseas Chinese Elementary School was closed can be explained in various aspects. However, the lack of expenses was an important part of determining the operation of the Overseas Chinese Elementary School. Therefore, it is true that the effect of foreign salt control on overseas Chinese society cannot be neglected.

川北 剿共을 계기로 한 四川의 政治統合과 그 意味

金希信(Kim Hee-Shin) 동양사학회 2004 東洋史學硏究 Vol.89 No.-

國民政府時期 ‘邊疆’ 知識人의 ‘民族’ㆍ‘國家’ 認識과 西康 建設 方案

金希信(Kim Heeshin) 동양사학회 2007 東洋史學硏究 Vol.98 No.-

1926-1935년 重慶의 ‘內的’ㆍ‘人的’ 요소와 도시근대화

金希信(Kim Hee-Sin) 동양사학회 2009 東洋史學硏究 Vol.109 No.-

This study was conducted as a part of the history of urban transformation, namely, how urban spaces have reflected and structured historic situations, focused on people living in cities and urban societies. Among the open port cities under the treaty system, the centers (coastal areas) and the surroundings (inland areas) show very remarkable differences from each other. The opening of Chongqing was around 50 years later than Shanghai, and the coastal cities represented by Shanghai had already been substantially modernized. When Shanghai had gradually been positioned at the center of Chinese modernization, Chongqing in the deep inland was very slow in modernization and was merely a region remote from the center owning most of traditions. However, the influence of the centers on the surroundings was much stronger than the shock of ‘port opening.’ The prosperity and development of steamship transportation business on the Chuan River and the high enthusiasm of Chongqing city administrators, managers and supporters provided favorable conditions for the influence of the centers (coastal cities) to infiltrate into relatively closed environment. In particular, urban constructors (劉湘, 潘文華, 盧作孚, 劉航琛, 胡光?, 胡仲實, 康心如, 楊燦三, 何北衡 etc.) who tried to connect Chongqing, an enclosed world in the inland, to the outside, the open world, and to cope with rapidly changing global trends had direct impacts on the process of urban development. This meant that Chongqing was faced with the time to accept modern things. The modernization of Chongqing was a process that the influence of ‘the centers’ was continuously exerted on inland Chongqing full of obsolete and premodern things. However, in very ‘diverse’ modern changes (urbanization, the development of commerce and industry, people’s value system or cultural consciousness, change in the existence pattern of pubic areas), the urbanization of Chongqing basically concentrated on ‘construction’ imitating the material aspect of large cities such as Shanghai. In general, the urbanization process included education, police and organization services related to transportation, energy, telecommunication, water supply, education, health, public administration and other facilities. On the other hand, as revealed by the expression ‘downstream people (downstream culture),’ the historical and spatial distance was too large to achieve a cohesive force of unified Chinese culture and this meant the requirement of time and effort as that much.

연구논문 : 신라(新羅) 관명(官名) “대사(大舍)”의 운용(運用)과 그 성격(性格)

김희만 ( Heui Man Kim ) 동국사학회 2013 동국사학 Vol.54 No.-

신라의 17관등 중에서 12번째 관등이며, 또한 관직체계로서 令-卿-大舍-舍知-史 중에서 세 번째에 해당하는 官名인 大舍의 운용과 그 성격 등에 대해서 살펴보았다. 사실 신라사회에서 大舍라는 官名은 大奈麻와 奈麻,大舍와 舍知,大鳥와 小鳥 등의 한 부류로서, 이들 관등과 관직 가운데 그것이 未分化로 인해 그 운영에 있어서 실체 파악에 어려움이 있었다. 大舍의 運用을 검토하기 위해서 관직으로서의 대사를 규명하고자 『三國史記』職官志에 보이는 각 관부의 관직체계 가운데 그 대표적인 예로 執事省을 중심으로 이 관부에 보이는 令-卿-大舍-舍知-史라는 관직체계 가운데 大舍와 인원과 건치연혁 등의 변동사항 등을 고찰하였으며, 또한 각 관부마다 각기 다른 점도 상호 비교해 보았다. 그 결과 大舍는 主書 와主事 그리고 主薄 등의 명칭에서 문서(書), 일(事), 장부(薄) 등을 주관하는 업무를 담당하거나, 또는 錄事 곧, 사원성전의 실무 관직으로 소속되어 어떠한 사항을 기록(錄)하는 업무를 담당하였으며, 설치시기는 진평왕 11년이 가장 이르며, 신라 행정 관부에서 실무를 전담하였다는 것을 알 수 있었다. 관등으로서의 대사는 신라 관등 가운데 대아찬과 대나마는 아찬과 나마가 분화하여 그 접두사로 大자를 관칭하는 것으로 정리할 수 있는 반면에, 大舍와 小舍, 大鳥와 小鳥는 그 분화의 성격이 다른데, 이는 대사와 소사는 舍知라는 관명에서 분화하여 대사와 사지는 대사가 먼저 설치되고, 이후 지덕왕 5년 내지 신문왕 5년에 사지가 설치되어 비로소 5등 관직체계가 마련된 것으로 볼 수 있다. 따라서 관직에서는 대사→사지로 분화하였다면, 관등에서는 사지→대사로 발전하였다고 볼 수 있다. 대사의 성격에서는 법흥왕 때의 色服志에 보이는 大舍와 황룡사찰주 본기에 보이는 대사를 비교하여 赤位에서 靑位, 黃位로 그 격에 변화가 수반되고 있음을 살표보았으며, 관등으로서의 大舍가 어떻게 성립하고 있는지를 검토하기 위해서 신라 관등의 말미에 보이는 餐系와 奈麻系 그리고 大舍이하의 知系를 구분하여 이해하고자 하였다. 인는 지금까지 餐系와 奈麻系에 대해서는 그 상층의 중요성을 반영하듯이 여러 연구가 있었으나, 知系라 할 수 있는 大舍 이하의 관등과 관직에 대해서는 상대적으로 소홀하게 취급되어 왔다는 점에 주목하였다. 그리고 大舍와 舍知, 또는 大舍와 小舍, 그리고 韓舍 등이 각기 기재된 자료뿐만 아니라, 관직으로서의 作韓舍와 관등으로서의 大舍를 동시에 볼 수 있는 자료를 소개하면서 그 성격에 주목해보았다. Silla`s official name(官名), Daesa大舍 is one of central administrative systems(5 step systems-Ryung(令)-Kyung(卿)-Daesa(大舍)-Saji(舍知)-Sa(史) and also official ranks and posts mixes themselves` name. Therefore this Daesa(大舍) stands for Silla` important office rank(官等) and office post(官職) but this article(particularly contents) not achieved many study better than other topics for a longtime Specially, Daesa(大舍) is in management of official post system(管職體系), 3rd main post systems and roles practical management in the central administrative systems(中央行政體系). Daesa(大舍) consists of Jige(知系), Daesa(大舍) and Saji(舍知). Jige(知系). Was distinguished three groups-Change(餐系)-Namage(奈麻系)-Jige(知系). Especilly Jige(知系) is 3rd official system of below Daesa(大舍) and Daesa(大舍) was a medium-administer or a working-level official. Daesa(大舍) calls Hansa(韓舍), that means office rank and office post. This study lasting continued new excavate many materials together.