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- 저자 : 趙志衡(Cho Ji-Hyung) (검색결과 42 건)
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특집(特輯) : 기후변동과 역사 ; 17세기, 소빙기, 그리고 역사추동력으로서의 인간 -거대사적 재검토-
조지형 ( Ji Hyung Cho ) 이화사학연구소 2011 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.43
The Little Ice Age (LIA) is the coolest multi-century period in the history of humanity for the last 10,000 years and one of several global millennial scale climate anomalies. The cool climate and alpine glacial advances were recognized in many areas across the globe. In general, four primary external forcing agents are acknowledged to have brought about the LIA: solar variability, volcanic activity, sulfate aerosols and greenhouse gas. But volcanic activity is generally associated with short-term cooling, and sulfate aerosol forcing remained negative during the LIA. The cool LIA climate is attributed in part to the land-use changes in Eurasia and in America, and led to the severe consumption of the organic energy resources. Reforestation caused by the Black Death and the pandemics in America were factors in the cool LIA climate; the anthropogenic forcing agent changed, but not fundamentally, the geology of the planet before the coming of the Anthropocene. The LIA increased the use of fossil fuels -- including coal in Europe as well as in China. But this does not mean that the LIA did bring about the Anthropocene. Unlike China and other countries, the ecological space in England could not bear the burden of providing sufficient energy to its society in order to boost economy and rule the colonies. The English desperately needed a more efficient energy system in their limited ecological space, whereas other countries were able to adopt new efficient energy systems to grow their economies at an unprecedented speed in more competitive world.
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趙志衡(Cho Ji-hyung) 역사학회 2008 역사학보 Vol.0 No.200
As we are facing the era of globalization, history should need to be analyzed through a global perspective. Seeing the globe as a historical unit, global history reads the globality of historical events on their various and overlapping historical layers. As big history does, the history of universe from the big bang can be included in the field of global history. At the same time, the global layers of a historical event like consumption, pleasure, and family can be studied as part of global history. Also, a particular hemisphere that has a network of interconnection and interdependence by continuous outside contact and exchanges is an appropriate object. Finally, interregional history is a subfield of global history. Contact has caused exchanges, conflicts and cooperation between different regions, cultures and nations, functioning as a historical catalyst to bring about change. Global history needs mainly two different methods of study. One is a synchronic method to examine historical mechanisms such as contact, conflict, exchange, resistance, transformation or renovation through the medium of goods, languages, values, religions or cultures from the perspectives of connection and/or comparison. Secondly, the diachronic method should be used to search for historical commonness or diversity between transnational, regional, and hemispheric areas from the perspectives of convergence and/or divergence. Since the 1960s, the field of global/world history has been spread and popularized, but its concepts and categories have not been established yet. In the recent years, however, the field of global history has been growing much more rapidly. This year we have witnessed a very significant historical moment, the creation of the two organizations of global/world history-the Asian Association of World Historians(AAWH) and Network of Global and World History Organizations(NOGWHISTO) to establish global/world history as a more defined field of history. These organizations will hopefully contribute to polycentric perspectives of global/world history by deconstructing Eurocentric discourses of history and reconceptualizing history.
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논문 / ' 시민권 ' 의 의미와 친노예제적 법문화 - Dred Scott 사건을 중심으로 -
조지형(Ji Hyung Cho) 한국미국사학회 2000 미국사연구 Vol.11 No.-
A landmark in the history of judicial review, Dred Scott v. Sandford (1857) was not only a statement of proslavery assumptions and arguments but also an expression of the southern legal culture. Dred Scott, a Missouri slave, was taken by his master to free Illinois and subsequently to a fort in the northern part of the Louisiana purchase, where slavery had been excluded by the Missouri Compromise. On the ground that he had resided on free soil, he sued for his freedom upon his return to Missouri. Chief justice Roger B. Taney, speaking for the Court, denied Dred Scott`s citizenship, state and federal, and upheld the unconstitutionality of the Compromise. The citizenship of free blacks was on the center of the discoursive conflicts between the South and the North. The northern legal culture was based on ascriptivism, which was first articulated in a legal form by Sir Edward Coke in Calvin`s Case (1608) and supported in the American colonies. Born under the power and protection of the English King, all persons were ascribed the status of native-born subjects. Following the ascriptive reasoning with opposition to nonconsensual feudal doctrines, the North maintained that native-born free blacks should be considered citizens. For the opponents of citizenship of free blacks, it meant that the free blacks should possess the civil rights equally with the whites. Rejecting or modifying the common-law theory of birthright citizenship, the opponents supported liberalist consensualism, which was considered as the American political philosophy during the American Revolution. For them, the free blacks were not parties to the social contracts with the whites, which created the states and the Union. In addition, republicanism, as well as liberalism, was contributed to the exclusion of the free blacks from the category of citizens. The southern courts became to regard the free blacks as a $quot;middle$quot; class between slave and citizen and countenanced that rights created citizens. The Antebellum courts divided sharply on the question of citizenship of free blacks. The Taney court wished to resolve it once and for all. Acknowledging the exclusive consensual citizenship, the Court rejected the idea of consensual hierarchy of citizenship. Instead, Taney argued for the theory of dual sovereignty, by which the free blacks were denied federal citizenship. Although upholding localism as well as jus soli, Justice Benjamin Curtis sharply differed from Taney on relations between state citizenship and federal citizenship but logically came to agree with him on the dualistic nature of national citizenship. Curtis viewed the question of citizenship from the perspective of freeman vs. slave, not from the perspective of citizen vs. slave, and did not succeeded to reflect the northern mood-modern consensual ascriptivism, which realized in the Fourteenth Amendment.
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논문 / Marbury v . Madison 사건과 John Marshall 의 사법심사
조지형(Ji Hyung Cho) 한국미국사학회 1999 미국사연구 Vol.9 No.-
In Marbury v. Madison (1803), the Supreme Court affirmed the doctrine of judicial review in holding explicitly an act of Congress unconstitutional. The affirmation is not only the natural development from $quot;revolutionary justice$quot; during the American Revolution and the prior state case law, as well as from the British legal tradition of fundamental law and common law hermeneutics and the practice of Privy Council review of colonial court decisions. But Marbury represents also moderate federalist John Marshall`s political response to the Jeffersonian Republicans in a discursive conflict on the locus of the power to review the constitutionality of legislation. The repeal of the Judiciary Act of 1801 and the restoration of the 1789 judiciary system spured the debates on the legitimacy of judicial review in and without Congress. Both legislative supremacy and $quot;cooridnate review$quot; were a substantial opposition to judicial review, disapproving of judges as expositors of the Constitution. Influenced by Sir William Blackstone`s parliamentary supremacy, legislative supremacy was the position that nature of its function makes the legislature superior to other branches, in as much as the power to will which is essentially superior to the power to act and apply. Thus, the legislature have the superior power to judge the constitutionality of its own acts. Another alternative to judicial review was $quot;coordinate review.$quot; Under this theory, each equal and coordinate branch could interpret the Constitution for itself in its own sphere of action. In Marbury, Chief Justice Marshall accomplished explicitly the linguistic turn for the textual exposition of the Constitution. By construing it as one would interpret a statute, the chief justice found the section 13 of the 1789 Judiciary Act unconstitutional beyond any reasonable doubt. Although the Supreme Court had applied the technique of textual reading to the Constitution in the pre-Marbury cases, the Court pronounced no decision (Hayburn`s Case, 1792) or found the legislation constitutional (Hylton v. United States, 1796). Since the Constitution was the mixed product of the fundamental law and the will of the people in a written form, its textual reading means the application of a dialectic reason evolved from the Cokean $quot;artificial reason$quot; and the Blackstonian $quot;common reason$quot; to the Constitution as a text. The doubtful case rule imposed the courts to declare the unconstitutionality of an act of Congress only when the act was found unconstitutional beyond any reasonable doubt on the basis of the dialectic reason. Following $quot;the doubtful case rule$quot; in Marbury, Marshall rejected the issuance of the writ of mandamus to Secretary of States James Madison for William Marbury`s commission of justice of peace on the ground of his reading that the Article III of the Constitution and the statutory authorization of mandamus were in fundamental opposition. And the chief justice`s opinion set the doctrine of judicial review as a constitutional justice.
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조지형 ( Ji Hyung Cho ),류혜명 ( Hye Myung Ryu ),진미경 ( Mi Kyung Jin ),전주현 ( Joo Hyun Chun ),현승혜 ( Seung Hyea Hyun ),최지영 ( Ji Young Choi ),허인경 ( In Kyong Hur ),이은영 ( Eun Young Lee ),박선희 ( Sun Hee Park ),김용림 대한신장학회 2008 Kidney Research and Clinical Practice Vol.27 No.4
목적: 염증반응과 섬유화에 관여하는 Transforming growth factor-β1 (TGF-β1)와 이식신에 대한 cytoprotection에 관여하는 vascular endothelial growth factor (VEGF)는 만성 이식신 신병증 (CAN)의 발생과 연관이 있을 것으로 추측되어 왔다. 이에 저자들은 한국인 신이식 수혜자를 대상으로 TGF-β1 및 VEGF 유전자 SNP과 이식신 생존율 및 CAN과의 상관관계에 대해 조사하였다. 방법: 경북대학교병원에서 신이식을 시행한 환자 중 유전자 분석에 동의한 221명과 건강한 대조군 148명을 대상으로 TGF-β1 유전자의 C-509T 및 T869C, VEGF 유전자에 있는 C-2578A, C405G의 유전자형을 분석하였다. 신이식 후 CAN이나 만성 calcineurin inhibitor 신독성으로 진단된 경우를 신병증군 (n=21)으로 그렇지 않은 경우를 정상 이식군 (n=200)으로 분류하였다. 결과: 신이식 환자군과 정상 대조군에서 확인된 TGF-β1 (C-509T, T869C) 및 VEGF 유전자의 SNP (C- 2578A, C405G)의 유전자형의 빈도는 Hardy-Weinberg 평형에 따른 기대빈도와 유의한 차이가 없었고, 신이식 환자군과 정상 대조군에 있어 TGF-β1 및 VEGF 유전자 SNP의 유전자형과 대립형질의 빈도에는 유의한 차이가 없었다. TGF-β1의 C-509T와 T869C 및 VEGF의 C-2578A와 C405G는 강한 유전적 상관 관계를 보였고 (D`=0.78-0.98), 두 군 간 각각의 일배체형 간의 빈도 차이는 없었다. 전체 신이식 환자를 대상으로 TGF-β1 및 VEGF 유전자 SNP의 유전자형에 따라 두 군으로 나누어 Kaplan-Meier 생존분석을 시행한 결과 이식신 생존율은 유의한 차이가 없었고, 저농도 혹은 고농도의 cytokine 생산과 관련된 유전자형에 따른 이식신 생존율도 각 cytokine 모두 유사하였다. 결론: 본 연구에서 조사한 TGF-β1 및 VEGF 유전자 SNP은 한국인 신이식 수혜자에서 이식신 생존 또는 만성 이식신 신병증 발생 여부에 따라 차이를 보이지 않았다. Purpose: Transforming growth factor-β1 (TGF-β1) has been associated with the promotion of renal allograft interstitial fibrosis and thereby chronic allograft nephropathy (CAN). Vascular endothelial growth factor (VEGF) has been shown to contribute to cytoprotection of the graft after kidney transplantation. We investigated the influence of single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) of the TGF-β1 (C-509T and T869C) and the VEGF gene (C-2578A and C405G) on graft survival and the development of CAN. Methods: Genotyping was carried out using a real-time polymerase chain reaction which was performed on the LightCycler480 in 221 Korean renal transplant recipients and 148 healthy controls. According to the presence of CAN or chronic calcineurin inhibitor nephrotoxicity, the recipients were separated into the CAN (n=21) and the No CAN (n=200) groups. Results: The genotype frequencies of the SNPs were in Hardy-Weinberg equilibrium. The distributions of genotypes and alleles did not differ between recipients and controls. No significant differences were observed in the genotype distributions and allele frequencies between the CAN and the No CAN groups. The frequencies of haplotypes were not significantly different between the two groups, either. There were no statistically significant effects of TGF-β1 and VEGF gene polymorphisms on graft survival. Conclusion: This study did not show any statistically significant effects of four selected SNPs of the TGF-β1 and the VEGF genes on the development of CAN and graft survival in Korean renal transplant recipients.
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