한국적 복지사회 건설을 위한 몇 가지 조건

문석남 전남대학교 지역개발연구소 1981 지역개발연구 Vol.13 No.1

스웨덴의 福祉國家 形成과정

文石南 全南大學校 社會科學硏究所 1982 社會科學論叢 Vol.10 No.-

스웨덴 장애인정책의 이념과 지원시책

문석남 전남대학교 사회과학연구소 1993 현대사회과학연구 Vol.4 No.1

Social policies in Sweden aim to realize the universalism, preventive social services, equality, and productivity of each individual. The policies for the disabled in particular are focusing on minimizing or, if possible, removing the difficulties incurred in everyday life. In the earlier period, social policies for the disabled was aimed to eliminate the prejudices toward the disabled, which from the 1970's changed to integrating the disabled to the society based on the Normalization Theory. Major efforts were made to provide the supports and facilities for rehabilitating, educating, and training the disabled for the normalization of the disabled, then to participate equally and be fully integrated to society while developing their talents to the fullest. In Sweden, various programs have been devised to maximize the talents of the disabled in terms of individualization, optimization, and flexibility. This article has explained the major contents and methods of the social policies for the disabled in Sweden, and introduced the pension and subsidy for the disabled which is unknown to Korea. In addition it pointed out the feasibility and implication to the Korean policy for the disabled in the future.

한국의 도시화 : 그 유형과 특성

문석남 전남대학교 지역개발연구소 1993 지역개발연구 Vol.25 No.1

The basic framework of urbanization in present day Korea had been formulated during the Japanese colonial period. The colonial government designated the cities in the Korean peninsula for the purpose of exploitation and for the preparation of invasion into China. At the intital stage of the colonial rule, the Japanese developed the port cities to transport resources from Korea, and, at a later stage, they developed the provincial capital as an administrative center in the inland as well as some industrial cities in the northern part of the peninsula. The increase of the urban population under the Japanese rule had been due mainly to the stream of Japanese residents into the cities, as well as the influx of rural people by the push of poverty. The division of the country into two parts and the 3 year Korean War put the republic of Korea in a situation of near catastrophe in all kinds of fields. However, the Korean government embarked on an ambitious Economic Development Plan in 1962. Since this time, the industrialization has proceeded intensively, and accordingly, urbanization has progressed rapidly. Industrialization in Korea began in larger cities and many new industrial cities have arisen by the establishment of industrial complexes. Along with the city-centered economic development, the urban areas began to pull rural people in order to fill positions for the necessary manpower. In other words, there has been an intensive rural-urban migration. As the consequence, the urban population surpassed the rural population in the late 1970s, and it was the first time in the Korean history that this reverse phenonmenon took place in the population distribution between the cities and the rural communities(Kwon,1990: 154-174). The degree of the present urbanization in Korea is that of the 1970s in the advanced capitalist countries. Urbanization in Korea since the 1960s has been the result of 3 complex factors(Choi, 1986:7) : (1) the increase of the number of cities and the extension of urban areas, (2) rural-urban migration, and (3) the natural increase of the population in the cities. Most of the net rural-urban migrants moved into the capital city and the rest of them went into the Gyeongnam region and the other metropolitan areas. In the middle 1980s, Korea approached the 4th stage of Zelinsky's hypothesis in the population movement, in which the rural-urban migration declines significantly and interurban, as well as interurban movement increases. In the case of the capital city, the so-called J-Curve phenonmenon began to take place in the population movement since the end of 1991. In other words, the city's inhabitants decreased slightly for the first time in 30 years because of out-migration to neighbouring satellite cities. By keeping in mind the fact that the process of urbanization has progressed along with the industrial development since the early 1960s, We may summarize the pattern and characteristics of urbanization in Korea as the following 1) Urbanization in Korea has proceeded rapidly, as compared to the other developing countries (Kang,1987:102-103;Kim,1980:146-160). Its process has been very fast among the developing countries, not only in terms of the number of cities, but also the increase of population in the metro areas. There were 27 cities in 1960, accounting for 28.6% of the total population. But, the number of cities in 1990 were 73, an increase of 27 cities during 30 years, and their population contained 74.4% of the total population. These figures confirm the rapid process of urbanization in Korea. 2) The growth and expansion of the capital region centered around Seoul city has contributed greatly to urbanization(Kim,1990:73-75). Specifically, the capital city has absorbed the majority of the net rural-urban migration and has become the prime city with more than 10 million inhabitants. Many of the important functions are concentrated in the capital city, and the capital region now represents about 43% of the national total population. 3) The development of small and medium-sized cities has been far behind that of the metropolitan cities. The metropolitan areas with a population of 1 million or more have been over-urbanized. The over-urbanization of the metropolitan areas has broken down the urban systems(Nemeth & Smith 1985 183 - 206 ; Kim, 1989), and accordingly, the compactness of the population density and living space has caused severe urban problems. Since 1965, the population of 6 metropolitan cities has accounted for more than 50% of the total population. 4) The formation of the Korean Megalopolis is the most impressive phenomenon in the process of urbanization. The Korean Megalopolis has characteristics in common with those of the American. English, Japanese, and Northwest European Megalopolises. By the standard of the nation, the concentration of the population and functions in the Korean Megalopolis for 1990 surpassed that of the American and Japanese Megalopolises for 1960. Finally, Korea is entering into a new era of mature urbanization of the developed capitalist countries.

대학순례-스웨덴 대학교육제도와 스톡홀름대학교

문석남,Mun, Seok-Nam 한국대학교육협의회 1987 大學敎育 Vol.30 No.-

스웨덴 연금제도와 그 문제성에 관한 연구

문석남 전남대학교 사회과학연구소 1994 현대사회과학연구 Vol.5 No.1

Nowadays. Sweden has well-developed pension schemes which can be categorized as follow: (1)the national peoples pension (Folkpension, FP), (2)the national supplementary pension (Allman tillaggspension, ATP), and (3)the contractually determined pensions(ITP, STP, KPA, & SPV). The national people's pension is called the basic pension, which provides a flat-rate benefit for all the pensioners regardless of their past income level. To qualify for the people's pension, a person must hold Swedish citizenship. Swedish citizens not domiciled in Sweden are also entitled to the basic pension, the size depending on the number of years they were gainfully employed in Sweden. The national supplementary pension scheme is an earnings-related program for the old people. A person who has earned income from employment in excess of the base amount for at least 3 years, and who has accordingly been credited with pensionable income, receives graduated(earnings-related) benefits on top of the people's pension. Pensionable income is calculated for insured persons between the ages of 16 and 64. Income in excess of 7.5 times the base amount is not pensionable. The contractually determined pension schemes are the occupational pension programs which give a complementary benefit to the pensioners in addition to the people's and supplementary pension schemes. These schemes cover both the public and private sectors. Since the inception of the pension schemes, Swedish society has been rapidly changed structurally as well as functionally. Such societal changes have affected, among other things, the pension schemes. As consequences, there occurred some problems in the national supplementary pension scheme and contractually determined pension scheme. In the case of the national supplementary pension scheme, two facts cause problems: one is the ceiling of pensionable income: the other is the 15 best-paid years. Since the base amount is indexed to consummer prices, it has not kept pace with the development of real wages. This became more widely recognized during the second half of the 1980's. More and more Swedes are reaching above the celing of pensionable income which is 7.5 times the base amount. Nevertheless, the income in excess of the ceiling is not pensionable. This implies that the statutory program will leave more and more people without adequate compensation for loss of income at retirement. This will be to the disadvantage especially of blue-collar workers in the private sector, who, unlike other employees, do not have occupational pensions that compensate for loss of income above the income-ceiling in the supplementary pension scheme. As mentioned before, the size of the benefit in the supplementary pension scheme is determined by the 15 best income years. Since a 30-year working period is enough to qualify for a full pension, work beyond 30 years does not add to the size of the pension. These rules have had a serious negative effect on labour supply. Moreover, a weak contribution-benefit linkage carries a potential for inter-generational conflict since the pension contribution might be perceived as a $quot;pure burden$quot; as long as it does not improve the future pension of the individual contributor. The problem related to the contractually determined pension scheme is the imbalance of compensation for loss of Income between blue-collar workers in the private sector and other employees, such as the white-collar employees in the private sector and employees in both local and central government. The occupational pension for blue-collar workers in the private sector does not compensate for loss of income above 7.5 times the base amount. However, the occupational pension programs for white-collar workers in the private sector and for civil servants in the public sector provide the compensation for loss of income above 30 times the base amount. Thus, the contractually determined pension schemes as the occupational pension are very disadvantageous of the blue-collar workers in the private sector as against the other employees mentioned above. Most women receive a lower pension amount than that of men. It is due not to sex discrimination, but rather, to the institutional contradiction. The pensionable income is delimited to the gainfully employed earning outside the home. Home-making is not accounted for in any of the pension schemes. In most cases, the mother rears child(ren) at home and it is a general trend that the increase of wage rate is faster for men than for women. These complex factors cause problems which give a serious disadvantage to women.

M. Heidegger 歷史性의 實存論的 理解

文錫湳 한국교육사상연구회 1995 敎育思想硏究 Vol.4 No.-

유권자는 돈 요구하지 말아야 한다

문석남 사회발전연구소 1997 한국인 Vol.16 No.8

전남인의 가치의식 변화추세에 관한 연구

문석남 전남대학교 사회과학연구소 1992 현대사회과학연구 Vol.3 No.1

This work compares two surveys administered in 1983 and 1991 in Chonnam area, which measured social attitudes. Ten questions asking same issues with same wordings were selected and compared. The changes of social attitudes over the period are summarized as the following: 1. Most respondents valued diligence highly as a life goal and showed high expectation of social achievement, which however changed little in the period. 2. Satisfaction or dissatisfaction of workers on their jobs is evenly divided. It seems satisfaction has increased slightly but short of being statistically significant. 3. Women's participation on politics is generally accepted. The approvement increased by 26% and the disapprovement decreased by 8%, resulting in three out of ten supported women's political activities. 4. Most of respondents thought that women has to keep virginity until marriage. Women were more stronger(75%) than men(54%) in this belief, and those over 40s and those under college education also supported it more strongly. 5. Respondents believed that informal and personal ties are most important for social success, which increased by 10 percent in the last eight years. 6. More respondents did not believed the conscientiousness of the religious men. Fifteen percent distrusted them, while nine percent trusted them. Generally distrust is increasing. 7. Mass media is not trusted per se. Those who expressed their trust have decreased by 10 to 26 percent, while those who expressed distrust have increased by 35 to 48 percent depending on the type of mass media. 8. Mammonism is so pervasive among the respondents(83%), and it is increasing. Those who support mammonism has increased by 28%, while the opposite has decreased by 16%. 9. The law is not so trusted as it should be. The trustfulness has decreased, while the distrustfulness has increased in various parts of social life. Fifty five percent of respondents has withdrawn from their previous support. 10. Respondents reported more inconsistencies than consistencies between the law and social life, resulting in the refusal and datachment from the law. Thirty eight percent responded that the distance between the law and social life is increasing.

Development and Environment in Korea : With a Special Emphasis on the Government and PublicResponses to Environmental Degradation

문석남,양종희 전남대학교 사회과학연구소 1995 현대사회과학연구 Vol.6 No.1