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임창국 한국생성문법학회 2008 생성문법연구 Vol.18 No.2
This paper begins by critically reviewing the cognitive functional approach to grammaticalization phenomena (following Campbell & Janda 2001, Newmeyer 2001, inter alia) and further proposes that the analytic device which has been used to describe synchronic variations can also be used to describe diachronic changes (Robert 2007). To this end, the paper presents an analysis for V>P grammaticalized -losseo 'with, by' in Korean in which the two separate constituents, -lo and -sseo, end up being a single constituent by means of the so-called complex predicate formation, being a synchronic rule observed in regular small clause constructions.
임창국 서울대학교 인지과학연구소 2022 Journal of Cognitive Science Vol.23 No.1
In Distributed Morphology, the operation of Vocabulary Insertion applies a phonological exponent (Vocabulary Item) to a functional terminal morpheme. In this article, I propose that even if there is a candidate Vocabulary Item for the designated terminal node, Vocabulary Insertion may not insert a Vocabulary Item, which I dud Zero Vocabulary Insertion. Specifically, based on the fact that the light verb ha- ‘do’ in Korean may be elided in certain contexts, I offer a realizational, morpheme-based analysis of the phenomenon of the light verb in which the ha- ellipsis is not a bona fide syntactic constituent ellipsis. Rather, it occurs post-syntactically when the operation of Vocabulary Insertion does not apply a Vocabulary Item to the relevant functional morpheme for the verb at stake. Zero Vocabulary Insertion explains the property of the non-constituent ellipsis of the light verb.
임창국 한국생성문법학회 2018 생성문법연구 Vol.28 No.4
This squib offers a syntactic analysis of English transitive into – ing constructions, where, in the ‘V NP into –ing’ sequence, [NP into –ing] forms a syntactic constituent, excluding V. This binary structure analysis is confirmed by a wide range of empirical evidence such as movement, ellipsis, and coordination. The squib emphasizes the fact that the previous studies that proposed a ternary structure for the constructions under discussion encounter a serious empirical problem.
The Unembeddable Allocutive Marker –Yo in Korean and the Syntax-Pragmatics Interface
임창국 한국생성문법학회 2016 생성문법연구 Vol.26 No.4
In this article, drawing on the fact that the allocutive marker -yo appears in the matrix clauses, but not in the embedded contexts, I argue that the unembeddability of -yo constitutes empirical evidence for the view that Speech Act structure is only posited in the left clausal periphery in which discourse pragmatic features are anchored. Under this view, -yo is an exponent of the Speech Act head that is only posited in the matrix clause.
Two Types of Sino-Korean Verb Formation
임창국 한국중원언어학회 2019 언어학연구 Vol.0 No.52
This article presents data in which some Sino-Korean verbs behave like dyadic verbs, while others behave like monadic verbs. To account for this difference in adicity, a syntactic analysis of Sino-Korean verb formation is offered under the Distributed Morphology framework: the sharp contrast in adicity is attributed to the distinction between verb formation from roots and verb formation from non-roots; specifically, dyadic verbs are root-derived and monadic verbs are word-derived or non-root-derived. In the latter case, a Sino-Korean root merges with a truncated word. Whereas in the former case, a Sino-Korean root combines another root. In the meantime, the possibility is entertained that such a mode of verb formation may revolve around so-called multiple object constructions in Korean. Extending the present analysis to English data, the article concludes itself by touching upon the point that the current analysis may also be applied to some English noun-containing verbs such as monadic sight-see and dyadic baby-sit.
Phrasal Movement in Korean Echoed Verb Constructions
임창국 한국언어학회 2010 언어 Vol.35 No.4
Yim, Changguk. 2010. Phrasal Movement in Korean Echoed Verb Constructions. Korean Journal of Linguistics, 35-4, 1077-1093. This article develops a syntactic account that yields a parsimonious explanation of the head-final properties of verbal inflections in Korean. It addresses verbal reduplication patterns of so-called echoed verb constructions in the language, proposing that verbal inflectional morphology is derived syntactically from head-initial structures by phrasal movement. This analysis fits in well with the leading ideas of minimalism, in which human language is universal, in particular, with respect to base word order (Kayne 1994), and in which syntactic head movement is something of a conundrum, so it is restricted to an ancillary role. (Chung-Ang University)
An Additional Support for Phase Theory: Phasehood of vP and non-phasehood of TP
임창국 한국생성문법학회 2006 생성문법연구 Vol.16 No.1
Chomsky (2000 and subsequent work) argues that a phase is CP or vP, but not TP (see also Fox 1999 and Nissenbaum 2000). This squib shows that successive cyclic A'-movement targets every vP (and CP) along the way to the final landing site, and presents additional empirical support in favor of a vP-peripheral, but not TP-peripheral, landing site for A'-movement.