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Sino-Russian Accommodation and Adaptation in Eurasian Regional Order Formation
( Gaye Christoffersen ) 경남대학교 극동문제연구소 2018 ASIAN PERSPECTIVE Vol.42 No.3
Chinese and Russian officials and scholars discursively construct and reconstruct repeatedly the nature and boundaries of Eurasian regional integration in an ongoing process of regional order construction guided by diverging concepts that involve the Eurasian Economic Union, the Silk Road Economic Belt, and the Greater Eurasian Partnership. There is a process of accommodation and adaptation that has led to a slow unfolding of a Eurasian regional order. I draw on the English School to examine Sino-Russian efforts to maintain a Eurasian regional order rather than to slip into an unbridled rivalry for spheres of influence.
Gaye Christoffersen 경남대학교 극동문제연구소 2009 ASIAN PERSPECTIVE Vol.33 No.3
Japan has pursued a grand strategy of creating an East Asian maritime order with a special emphasis on situating a U.S.-Japan-China trilateral arrangement, based on cooperative security, at the core of an East Asian maritime regime. The United States and China have slowly adopted some of this Japanese strategy. This article examines the lessons East Asia has learned from several maritime security initiatives—America’s Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI) and its Regional Maritime Security Initiative (RMSI), Japan’s ReCAAP, and Southeast Asia’s MALSINDO—that were applied to the anti-piracy operations off the Somali coast and the Gulf of Aden. Despite the influence of Japan’s strategy for maritime security, paradoxically it has responded more slowly in its deployment to the Gulf of Aden, contributing to the traditional image of Japan as a reactive state. The institutional design of maritime regimes in the Gulf of Aden and in East Asia is thus incrementally unfolding; maritime cooperation is taking place in an ad hoc, bottom-up manner with very uncertain outcomes. Japan has pursued a grand strategy of creating an East Asian maritime order with a special emphasis on situating a U.S.-Japan-China trilateral arrangement, based on cooperative security, at the core of an East Asian maritime regime. The United States and China have slowly adopted some of this Japanese strategy. This article examines the lessons East Asia has learned from several maritime security initiatives—America’s Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI) and its Regional Maritime Security Initiative (RMSI), Japan’s ReCAAP, and Southeast Asia’s MALSINDO—that were applied to the anti-piracy operations off the Somali coast and the Gulf of Aden. Despite the influence of Japan’s strategy for maritime security, paradoxically it has responded more slowly in its deployment to the Gulf of Aden, contributing to the traditional image of Japan as a reactive state. The institutional design of maritime regimes in the Gulf of Aden and in East Asia is thus incrementally unfolding; maritime cooperation is taking place in an ad hoc, bottom-up manner with very uncertain outcomes.
Christoffersen, Gaye the Institute for Far Eastern Studies, Kyungnam Un 1996 ASIAN PERSPECTIVE Vol.20 No.2
Scholars studying China's relations with Asia-Pacific regimes, Northeast Asian regimes, and the Sino-Russian border have treated each regime as independent and separate from the others-as parallel institutions with incompatible rules and norms. This article argues that China's capacity to create parallel institutions is limited by the norms of the regional and subregional regimes that make up the East Asian international system and transnational linkages developed at the local level. An evolving Chinese definition of national interests in regional cooperation is the result of international learning, involving processes of bargaining domestically and internationally. The Sino-Russian border regime and the Northeast Asian regime forming around the Tumen River project are shaped by domestic center-local bargaining and differences. Heilongjiang Province has sought to be the center of China's participation in reginal economic cooperation in competition with and Jilin provinces, redefining China's international comparative advantage, changing the nature of Chinese participation in the Tumen project, and provoking a local Russian backlash in the Russian Far East.