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In Japan, hardly anybody approaches international studies from the viewpoint of gender. Recently, however, this situationis changing in areas such as development studies, international sociology, and peace studies. Nevertheless, in comparison to the United States, such changes merely scratch the surface. Having been involved in Japanese feminist and gender studies for a longtime, I would like to consider why a gender perspective isabsent from Japanese international studies.
It is a pleasure for me to participate in this conference and to have the opportunity of exchanging views on the conference theme "Prospects for Nuclear Weapons Proliferation in Developing Countries". The Institute for Far Eastern Studies is to be congratulated on its choice of topic and its timing. Your timing is excellent because your conference comes at the midway point of the International Nucleal' Fuel Cycle Evaluation program(INFCE) and enables us all to focus on the work that has yet to be done and the directions in which tile second half of INFCE should be moving. I should like to return to this matter at the end of my talk as I have some thoughts that I would like to leave with you, Your conference theme, concentrating as it does ell nuclear issues as they affect developing countries, appeals to ole for two main reasons. First, because I believe the discussions here will confirm that among the non-nuclear-weapon-States, parties to the Treaty on tile Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons or otherwise, it will be the continuing judgment that non-proliferation of nuclear weapons is an objective so compelling for all governments that it will not be sacrificed on the altar of military adventurism. This applies equally to governments whose regional security problems might make a weapons program appear attractive. In today's climate regarding proliferation, the penalties would be just too great.
"Ignorance may dominate in the short term through the use of violence, but it will eventually be unable to resist the advance of universal laws. And this will come to pass just as surely as the earth turns. Of course, it takes time for the earth to turn and for China things could take even longer." Fang Lizhi-Speech in acceptance of the Robert F. Kennedy Memorial Human Rights Award, Us Embassy. Beijing, October,1989.
Honorable Dr. Cho Wan Kyoo, Minister of Education : ambassadors from the U. S. A., russia, Indonesia, Canada, Poland Hungary, and Mexico; Dr. Vidiapin, President of the Russian Economic Academy; Congressmen Man Sup Lee, Rho Kap Kwon, Mong Joon Chung, Hwa Pyung Hur; esteemed colleagues, distinguished guests, and oadies and gentlemen. Permit me to express my sincere welcome to all of you on the occasion of the dinner celebrating the 20th anniversary of the Institute for Far Ezstern Studies of Kyungnam University.
President Park, Minister Cho, Chairman Lee, Ambassador Panov, other good friends from the diplomatic corps from Poland and Hungary and Canada, Iadies and gentlemen: It is a real pleasure for me to speak to you tonight on this very happy occasion. The Institute for Far Eastern Studies of Kyungnam University was founded in 1972. I was in Korea from 1973 to 1975, so I con tell you how much Korea has changed since than time. And I think, President Park, that the work your institute has been involved in has helped to bring about all of the rapid change seen in Korea. So my congratulations to you and the university and to Doctor Lee as your Director. I attended a seminar that you held on China which attracted some of the most distinguished Chinese scholars in the world. Your pamphlets and brochures are very well read, and you're a very high-class outfit. I'm very happy to be here to help you celebrate your twentieth anniversary and offer congratulations
Social science is a very historic and unique form of knowledge. It was institutionalized in nineteenth century Europe. By the time Europeans came to East Asia in the late nineteenth century, Western social science was already a dominant form of social knowledge, delegetimating many other forms of social knowledge of the world. After European social science had been implanted in East Asia, issues such as relevancy and indigenization haunted East Asian scholars. Now the quest for "East Asian" social science is very strong in part because of the shifting world Power relations and also due to the emergence of indigenization discourse. This paper is an attempt to discuss these issues from an East Asian perspective.
The article treats Taiwan's links to the world under four headings: trade and investment, beliefs and styles, national identity, and military security. The island's traders profit from inexpensive labor clsewhere in Asia and large markets in democracies, its people increasingly adopt comoplitan global styles along with localist identities, and its diplomats and strategists fear that external threats from China may not be deterred by external help with defense. Taiwan's globalization has been fast in terms of both norms and situations, but its future is uncertain.
The article explores the extent to which the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has succeeded in winning assent for its proposed principles and norms for interstate conduct, and recognition as an equal pole in an emerging regional order. The basic argument is that notwithstanding substantial evidence of ASEAN's central role in key regional institutions and parallels between the ASEAN experience and those of other multilateral regional organizations, one cannot assume the ASEANization of East Asia's regional order to be entrenched or irreversible. To demonstrate this, the article examines the challenges to the ASEANization of regional order in the security realm as posed by the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the United States. Beijing has largely responded positively to ASEAN's policy of engagement as regards confidence-building measures, but has been ambiguous about the extent to which it adheres to ASEAN's normative framework in the pursuit of Chinese policy objectives in the South China sea. By contrast, Washington squarely challenges the ASEAN framework. Concerning ASEAN's struggle for recognition, neither China nor the United States appears prepared to accept ASEAN's centrality or even equality in other than formal terms in the future regional security architecture, since such status runs counter to the two powers' own identity claims and security interests.