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      • 1920年代 女性團體運動에 關한 硏究 : 社會主義 女性團體를 中心으로

        조경미 淑明女子大學校 1990 국내석사

        RANK : 247341

        1920年代 韓國에서 受容되기 시작한 社會主義 思想은 封建遺制의 淸算과 軍國主義의 打到에 그 目的을 두고 抗日民族解放運動論으로 각 ‘部門運動’에 적용되었다. 이 硏究는 1920年代 社會主義 女性團體들을 중심으로 한 女性運動에서는 당시의 ‘植民地’모순을 어떠한 論理的 근거로 해결해 나갔으며, 民族解放運動의 실천적 의미로 어떻게 表現될 수 있었는지, 1920年代 女性團體의 性格을 社會主義라는 思想的 側面에서 살펴 보았다. 그를 위해 社會主義 女性團體의 효시인 ‘朝鮮女性同友會’와 여기서 派爭된 ‘朝鮮女性解放同盟’, ‘京城女子靑年同盟’, ‘京城女子靑年會 ’와 統合되는 과정으로 나타난 ‘프로女性同盟’, ‘ 中央女子靑年同盟’ 등의 社會主義 女性團體들을 각각 分析하였다. 이들 社會主義 女性團體에 대한 分析으로 후에 組織되는 ‘槿友會’가 앞서 말한 女性團體로 부터 많은 人的 ·思想的 영향을 받고 創立될 수 밖에 없었던 사실을 알 수 있게 되었다. 그리하여 본 논문은 이 점에 주목하면서 槿友會를 당시의 社會主義 女性運動 범위안에서 살펴볼 수 있었다. 그 결과 본 논문에서 살펴본 1920年代 女性團體들은 社會主義 原論에 따른 ‘無産階級’ 女性解放運動을 民族解放運動으로 확대 적용시킨 활동을 전개한 社會主義 女性團體라는 사실을 알 수 있었다. 즉 朝鮮女性同友會에서 槿友會까지 이르는 이들 女性團體들은 社會主義 思想과 밀접한 관계속에서 女性解放運動을 社會主義 女性運動으로 전개시켜 나갔다는데 그 歷史的 意味가 있다 하겠다. This study aims at understanding characteristics of Chosen socialist women groups movements in the 1920s. For that how they had influenced very much upon the nation-wide movement in that time and what role they had in it. The groups had that in the practice and theory of Socialism for their revolutionary movements which could clear up vestiges of Chosen Feudal system and overcome colonial conflicts under Japanese Imperialism. In that time, the group generally had recognized Socialism as a revolutionary method armed with ideology which was eligible for social part-movements in an effort to develope anti-imperialism and nation-liberation movement. So the groups could be very largely given historical meanings in that situation. It was Chosen-Ryoseong-Dongwoohoi (朝鮮女性同友會) that was the first socialist women group of Chosen, which had been followed; Chosen-Ryoseong-Haebang-Dongmaeng (朝鮮女性解放同盟), Kyung-seong-Ryoja-Cheongneon-Dongmaeng (京城女子靑年同盟) Kyungseong-Ryoja-Cheongneon-Hoi (京城女子靑年會). These four groups had parted by turns from the first group each and all. And after that, they were followed by two united groups such as Pro-Ryoseong-Dongmaeng (프로女性同盟) and Chungang-Ryoja-Cheongneon-Dongmaeng (中央女性靑年同盟). When Keun-Woo-Hoi (槿友會) was established in 1927 as women's nation-united front in a main view of the revolution of ideology of Socialism and of the structure of socialist women groups' members, women's nation-liberation movement had recorded the turning point. It was appeared as an organic front to tie all the woman groups in Chosen, including the socialist women groups which influenced very much upon its establishment. It is essential to clarify and analyze the relation between Keun-Woo-Hoi and the socialist women groups. It was on the point of having the historical meaning when Keun-Woo-Hoi appeared as the group for women liberation movement, as well as for nation wide liberation movement, especially, for working class. From Chosen-Ryoseong-Dongwoohoi to Keun-Woo-Hoi, the 1920s' women groups had generally done lots of efforts to pave the way to New Society for Chosen Minjoong (= people) first and lead the front of nation-liberation movement. So this study focuses much on abstracting the conclusion from the revolutionary movement of the socialist women groups in 1920s, which went on with nation-wide liberation movement, beyond women-own liberation movement, for Chosen Minjoong's self-determinant and independent right to live.

      • 1920年代 詩에 나타난 '불'의 이미져리 硏究

        허종회 全北大學校 1984 국내석사

        RANK : 247340

        The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the structure or imagery of fire represented in the Korean poetry of the 1920 s. In the 1920s, Korean poets realized the importance of poetic diction and symbolic poetry began to be regarded as modern one. That is the reason why I have studied the structure of imagery of fire. A poem has its own characteristic imagery and at once the images represented in the same era constitute a typical structure. I analyzed this structure on the basis dealt with the archetype of fire represented in the Korean mythology and the different images of fire expressed in the Korean poetry of the 1920s. The various of fire are grouped into four as: 1. In the following poems such as ‘yotnimil t’aragada k'um k’eo t^hansighanora’, (I sigh after I dreamt of lover.) and ‘Kimcandi’( golden turf ) of Sowol Kim and ‘pomin koya□ iroda’(Spring is a cat.) of Janghee Lee, fire symbolizes a birth or a life. Here fire is flames which burn up straight. 2. In such poems as ‘Kiril k’um k’nn pam’( The night when I dreamt of him) of Sowol Kim, ‘s□byog’ ( daybreak ) of Kwangsoo Lee, and ‘ah/ cigimin s□byog nesi’ ( It’s four o’clock in the morning.) of Sogsong Kim, fire, as an illumiant, has an image of existence or being. 3. Fire symbolizes eros in such poems as ‘c^himyi yolc’o□’,( First fever ) ‘Aroum’( loneliness ) and ‘h□myi sicol’( Days of sun ) of Yohan Joo, ‘Nimyi c^himmug’( His silence ) of Yongun Han and ‘Nong□’of Yongro Pyon. 4. In these poems like ‘tamb□’( Tobacco ) and ‘k□youly nor□’( Song of stream) of Sowol Kim, ‘malseyi hyit^han’( Longing for grief of the hopeless world ) and ‘nayi c^h imsillo’( To my bedroom ) of Sangwha Lee, and ‘als’u ops’ oyo’ ( I don’t know why. ) of Yongun Han, fire has an image of extinction or death on the one hand. On the other hand, fire means a cycle of’ existence-death-birth’, i.e.rebirth or regeneration. To sum up, the imagery of fire represented in the Korean poetry of the 1920s results from the sentimentalism in those days and the images of fire in the 1920s, as a whole, apporach the fourth image above.

      • 1920年代 朝鮮總督府의 統治體制 硏究 : 民族運動 彈壓策을 中心으로

        안현신 淑明女子大學校 1989 국내석사

        RANK : 247340

        日帝는 3·1운동을 계기로 對韓植民統治方式에 있어서 대폭적인 수정을 가하여 종래의 武斷的 統治에서 「文化政治」로 전환하였다. 그러나 ‘一視同仁’을 표방하는 同化政策이라는 基本方針에 있어서는 일관하고 있었다. 本考에서는 1919年 8月 19日의 官制改定을 통해 실시되는 「文化政治」의 本質을 살펴보기 위해, 總督府 機構改編과 施政의 變化, 특히 民族運動을 탄압하기 위해 실시했던 諸彈壓策을 다루고 있다. 우선 「文化政治」를 살펴보기 위한 전제로써 1910년대의 總督府 機構 및 특징적인 性格을 槪觀하면서 政策轉換을 단행할 수 밖에 없었던 배경을 살펴보았고, 日帝가 民心收拾을 위한 政策으로 對內外에 宣傳했던 「文化政治」는 官制改定을 통하여 이루어진 諸政策들을 볼 때 植民地 韓國의 支配를 보다 효율적으로 이용하기 위한 정책개편이었으며 특히 民族運動에 대한 탄압책으로는 親日派와 排日派를 구분하여 前者에게는 허용하는 한 便宜와 援助를 제공하고 後者에게는 制度的 彈壓을 가하였다. 이러한 日帝의 政策은 서로간의 利害關係를 달리하는 階層分裂을 조장하였고, 결국 韓民族의 分裂을 조장한 것이었다. 이로써 日帝의 「文化政策」은 植民地 韓國 統治方針에 있어서는 본질적으로 변함이 없었고 오히려 民族運動을 저지하려는 政策은 더욱 교묘해졌고 高度化한 支配政策이었음을 알 수 있다. Japanese Imperialism converted its colonial policy from the old military government to culture one by altering the ruling way over colony greatly with the 1919 (Samil) Independence Movement as a momentum. But it had adhered the basic line called assimilation policy which advocated universal brotherhood. In this thesis, to look into the essence of culture policy to be operated through the system reform on Aug. 19, 1919, I studied the system reorganization and the administration change of government - general, especially various oppressive measures which had been enforced to oppress national movement. First, as a premise to look into culture policy, summarizing the structure and specific characters of government - general in 1910s, I examined the backing which could not help converting its policy. 'Culture Policy', which Japanese Imperialism publicized internally and externally to be the policy for controlling public mind, was the reorganization policy to govern the colony, Korea more efficiently, when we examined various policies through the reform of government system. Especially for the oppressive policy on national movement by dividing pro-Japanese group and anti-Japanese group, Japanese Imperialism offered convenience and help to the former and made institutional oppression to the latter. These policies promoted disintegration among classes conflicting in interests, ultimately promoted the disintegration of the Ran race. Like this, 'Culture Policy' was constant in policy on the colonial government essentially, rather it was cleverer and more skilful government policy to hinder national movement.

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