The purpose of this study is to review the seeking the Dharma and the transmission activities of 15 ancient Korea monks - Gyeom-ik(謙益)·Uisin(義信)·Ariyabalma(阿離耶跋摩)·Hye-eop(慧業)·Hyeongak(玄恪)·Hyeontae(玄太)·Gubon(求本)�...

http://chineseinput.net/에서 pinyin(병음)방식으로 중국어를 변환할 수 있습니다.
변환된 중국어를 복사하여 사용하시면 됩니다.
다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)
The purpose of this study is to review the seeking the Dharma and the transmission activities of 15 ancient Korea monks - Gyeom-ik(謙益)·Uisin(義信)·Ariyabalma(阿離耶跋摩)·Hye-eop(慧業)·Hyeongak(玄恪)·Hyeontae(玄太)·Gubon(求本)�...
The purpose of this study is to review the seeking the Dharma and the transmission activities of 15 ancient Korea monks - Gyeom-ik(謙益)·Uisin(義信)·Ariyabalma(阿離耶跋摩)·Hye-eop(慧業)·Hyeongak(玄恪)·Hyeontae(玄太)·Gubon(求本)·Hyeryun(慧輪)·Hyunyu(玄遊)·Wonpyo(元表)·Hyecho(慧超)·Muru(無漏)·Ojin(悟眞), including two Korean monks whose identities are unknown.
They all travelled to India from the first part of the 6th century to the latter part of the 8th century. It is my intent to research exactly what they were seeking.
Historically, the first monk to seek and transmit the Dharma was Śākyamuni Buddha himself. The Buddha left his home in the palace and his family to seek the ultimate truth. He endured years of severe ascetic practices but finally attained enlightenment. At first, the Buddha knew that no one would understand his profound teaching of ultimate truth. He originally planned to give up on transmitting the Dharma, but eventually accepted the entreaties of Brahma Heaven and Indra to transmit it. The Buddha first preached the way of liberation to the five bhikṣus (五比丘) who had practiced asceticism with him. They were the recipients of his first sermon (初轉法輪, first turning of the wheel of the Dharma), subsequently becoming his first disciples.
King Aśoka converted to Buddhism in 261 B.C.E. and became a famous patron of Buddhism who actively encouraged transmission of the Dharma. It is said he held the Third Buddhist Council in the capital city of Pāṭaliputra in the 17th year of his reign. He erected stūpas and stone pillars all over India and dispatched missionaries abroad, where their missionary efforts are said to have extended from the borders of China to Macedonia, Epirus, Egypt, and Cyrene. During his reign, Buddhism spread throughout India and Southeast Asia, and even into some areas of Western Asia.
Buddhism was also transmitted by the activities of foreign monks in Korea. The monk Mukhoja(墨胡子) first transmitted Buddhism to Goguryeo. The monk Ado(阿道) came to Silla to propagate Buddhism from the Eastern Jin dynasty(東晋) around 374 and built many temples. He is said to have been a native of India. Tales of his life-risking efforts to transmit the Dharma are very famous in Korean history. A Serindian monk named Mālananda(摩羅難陀) traveled to the Eastern Jin dynasty and then later to Baekje’s port city of Beopseong-po(法聖浦) in 384 to transmit the Dharma. Later however, fallacies and contradictions in the sutra translations of these monks were found. That was one of the main reasons many Dharma-seeking monks began to go to India, to import Sanskrit scriptures that had not yet been transmitted to confirm the contradictions.
According to historical sources such as the Foguoji (佛國記), the Da Tang xiyu ji (大唐西域記), the Da tang xiyu qiufa gaoseng zhuan (大唐西域求法高僧傳), the Nanhai jigui neifa zhuan (南海寄歸內法傳), the Wang o cheonchukguk jeon (往五天竺國傳), the Haedong goseung jeon (海東高僧傳), the Samguk Yusa (三國遺事), and other texts, the goals of these Dharma-seeking monks can be divided into three categories.
Firstly, some Korean monks traveled to India to bring back new Sanskrit scriptures to confirm and revise mistranslations of those already in Korea. Secondly, others wanted to go to Nalanda University, the center of Buddhist studies, to study popular Buddhist thought.
Thirdly, others wanted to make a pilgrimage to Buddhism’s Four (or Eight) Holy Sites. Of course there were other pilgrimage courses for the scripture's legend, anecdote, related people and etc.
At that time there were two routes these monks could take to India: the overland Silk Road(陸路) and the Sea Silk Road(海路). During the reign of Tang’s Emperor Taizong (唐 太宗 598~649), the overland Silk Road was also divided into a grassland route and a desert road, mostly through Tibet and Nepal. During the reigns of Gaozong (高宗) and Wu Zetian (武則天), the Sea Silk Road was the main route for pilgrimages. The overland Silk Road route was used mostly during the reign of Tang’s Emperor Xuanzong (唐 玄宗 685~762).
Dharma-seeking monks who traveled via the overland Silk Road were: Ariyabalma(阿離耶跋摩)·Hye-eop(慧業)·Hyeongak(玄恪)·Hyeontae(玄太)· Hyeryun(慧輪)·Muru(無漏)·Ojin(悟眞).
On the other hand, Gyeom-ik(謙益) and two unknown monks traveled via the Sea Silk Road. Hyunyu(玄遊), who become a monk in Sri Lanka, appears to have taken the Sea Silk Road. Wonpyo(元表) and Hyecho(慧超) appear to have used the Sea Silk Road to India but returned via the overland Silk Road. These Korean Dharma-seeking monks who traveled to India ultimately related to the Dharma-transmission activities.
Gyeom-ik(謙益), an early Baekje monk of the Vinaya school, traveled to India to learn Sanskrit and the Vinaya. He returned to Baekje in 526, bringing back the Five Part Vinaya (五分律), as well as a number of other Vinaya and Abhidharma texts. He translated these into literary Chinese, providing an important early impetus for the establishment of Vinaya studies in Korea. For their translations, he invited the great Indian Buddhist scholar Baedalda(倍達多).
Later, these translations were transmitted to Japan. Among these Dharma-seeking monks were two unknowns who got sick and died somewhere near Indonesia on their way to India. However, their journey itself impressed many people and so their activities were mentioned in The Da tang xiyu qiufa gaoseng zhuan (大唐西域求法高僧傳, Great Tang Chronicle of Eminent Monks who Traveled to the West Seeking the Dharma). Some Dharma-seeking monks, such as Ariyabalma(阿離耶跋摩), Hye-eop(慧業), and Hyeryun(慧輪) arrived safely in India but passed away while studying there. However, their studies and activities greatly influenced others and motivated many students from around the world to study at Nalanda University.
Hyecho is known today primarily as the author of Memoir of a Pilgrimage to the Five Indian Kingdom(往五天竺國傳), a travelogue recording his travels to India and Central Asia. It was written when he was young and was a valuable travel essay for future scholars. His doctrinal focus was on Buddhism’s Esoteric School. For fifty years he engaged in transmitting the Dharma at Daxingshan Temple (大興善寺) in Chang'an(長安), the center of Esoteric Buddhism, as an eminent monk recognized by the Tang emperor. Esoteric Buddhism was influenced by Hinduism in that it believed in miracles such as praying for rain, healing disease, etc. These eminent monks influenced both governors and the governed with their Dharma-transmission activities which in turn influenced ordinary people.
Ven. Muru(無漏) was a prince of Silla and lived in the same period as Hyecho. On his way to India via the Silk Road, he demonstrated his will to seek the Dharma by subduing a dragon at a temple on the Pamir Plateau. However, after realizing, thanks to Avalokitêśvara Bodhisattva, that the place he had to transmit Dharma was Tang China, he returned there and settled on Mt. Holan to transmit the Dharma. Ven. Muru lived in China during the transition period from Tang’s Emperor Xuanzong to his son Suzong(肅宗). Emperor Xuanzong was opposed by An Lushan, and, after An Lushan’s death, Shi Siming led a revolt against the emperor. King Suzong acceded to the throne at Lingzhou, a small city in Ningxia, and repressed the rebellion. Ven. Muru was then a very famous monk, known for reciting and chanting Ratnaketu Tathāgata(寶勝佛) on Mt. Holan. King Suzong sent many envoys to invite him to the palace to put him in charge of praying for the well-being of the nation. After Muru passed away, in accordance with his wishes, his remains were transported to the branch temple of Xiayuan(下院) in Lingzhou.
Among many Dharma-seeking monks, Ojin's(悟眞) activities are especially outstanding as far as Dharma-transmission is concerned. Ojin, as one of the Esoteric monk, went to Tang, China and stayed at the center of Esoteric Buddhism, Daxingshan Temple(大興善寺) where Hyecho also there at that time. With his outstanding power of transmission, he showed diverse miracles to Chinese people.
The above-mentioned activities of 15 Korean Dharma-seeking monks are good examples that reveal the ancient Korean people's courage, spirit of adventure and determination to seek the Dharma. Even though they focused only on their religious mission, historically, they became a driving force and played a leading role in the cultural exchange of East and West. Buddhism began in far away India but was brought to Korea and propagated by these brave and determined Dharma-seeking monks. Their influence is still felt today in Korean traditions, history, culture, values and the Korean mindset.
목차 (Table of Contents)
참고문헌 (Reference)
1. 역, 계환, 도단양수, 『중국불교사』(서울: 우리출판사, , 2007
2. 義湘傳, 閔泳珪, 『韓國의 人間像』3(서울: 新丘文化社, , 1965
3. 보림사, 양기수, 최인선, 김희태, 학연문화사, 서울: 학연문화사, , 2002
4. [외]엮음, 연민수, 『(역주)일본서기』(서울: 동북아역사재단, , 2013
5. 「天冠山」, 성해응, 『硏經齋全集』51,
6. 역경학 개론, 최종남, 서울: 운주사, , 2011
7. 『考古美術』, 황수영, 통권 81호, , 1967
8. 西域佛教研究, 张曼涛, 『现代佛教学术丛刊』권80(北京: 北京图书馆出 版社), , 2005
9. 한국사찰전서, 권상로, 동국대학교 출판부, 서울: 동국대학교 출판부, , 1979
10. 폴로 김호동 譯, 마르코, 『동방견문록』(서울: 사계절, , 2002
1. 역, 계환, 도단양수, 『중국불교사』(서울: 우리출판사, , 2007
2. 義湘傳, 閔泳珪, 『韓國의 人間像』3(서울: 新丘文化社, , 1965
3. 보림사, 양기수, 최인선, 김희태, 학연문화사, 서울: 학연문화사, , 2002
4. [외]엮음, 연민수, 『(역주)일본서기』(서울: 동북아역사재단, , 2013
5. 「天冠山」, 성해응, 『硏經齋全集』51,
6. 역경학 개론, 최종남, 서울: 운주사, , 2011
7. 『考古美術』, 황수영, 통권 81호, , 1967
8. 西域佛教研究, 张曼涛, 『现代佛教学术丛刊』권80(北京: 北京图书馆出 版社), , 2005
9. 한국사찰전서, 권상로, 동국대학교 출판부, 서울: 동국대학교 출판부, , 1979
10. 폴로 김호동 譯, 마르코, 『동방견문록』(서울: 사계절, , 2002
11. 『華嚴學槪論』, 김잉석, (서울: 法輪社, , 1986
12. 『실크로드학』, 정수일, (서울: 창비, , 2005
13. 『한국불학사』, 고영섭, 연기사, 신라시대편 (서울: 연기사, , 2005
14. ?한국밀교사상사?, 서윤길, 운주사, (서울: 운주사, , 2006
15. 『譯註三國史記』, 정구복, (한국정신문화연구원, , 1997
16. 「부파불교 散考」, 권오민, 『문학|사학|철학』, 년 봄, 제36호, , 2014
17. 「靈巖寺의 古蹟」, 박경원, 『考古美術』15, , 1961
18. 『실크로드 사전』, 정수일, 창비, (파주: 창비, , 2013
19. 『정중 무상대사』, 변인석, (파주: 한국학술정보(주), , 2010
20. 『혜초따라 5만리』, 김규현, 여시아문, 상 하(서울: 여시아문, , 2005
21. 『海東高僧傳硏究』, 장휘옥, (서울: 민족사, , 1991
22. 『高麗佛敎史硏究』, 허흥식, (서울: 일조각, , 1986
23. 신라하대화엄종연구, 金福順, 박사학위논문(고려대학교 대학원), , 1989
24. 『長興의 가사문학』, 백수인, 김석중, (장흥: 장흥군, , 2004
25. 『한국의 불교사상』, 이영무, 민족문화사, (서울: 東國大學校出判部, , 1987
26. 혜초의 왕오천축국전, 정수일, 학고재, 서울: 학고재, , 2004
27. 『往五天竺國傳(外)』, 이석호, (서울: 乙酉文化史, , 1970
28. 화엄경의 문학성 연구, 도업, 서울: 운주사, , 2013
29. 「淨衆無相禪師硏究」, 정성본, 『淨衆無相禪師硏究』,佛敎暎像會報社, , 1993
30. 五臺山信仰과 韓國佛敎, 安啓賢, 『韓國佛敎史硏究』(서울: 同和出版公社, , 1982
31. 『밀교의 역사와 문화』, 요리토미 모토히로, (민족사),
32. 『신라의 사상과 문화』, 김상현, 일지사, 서울: 일지사, , 1999
33. 삼국유사의 종합적 연구, 박진태, 박이정, (공저) (서울: 박이정, , 2002
34. 경주 掛陵의 문헌적 고찰, 김복순(Kim Bok-soon), 동국대학교 신라문화연구소, 『신라문화』44, , 2014
35. 『中西交通史料汇编』4권, 张星烺, 朱杰勤, (北京: 中华书局, 2003). 江 苏广陵古籍刻印社, 1996), , 2003
36. 『신라 화엄사상사연구』, 김두진, (서울: 서울대학교출판부, , 2002
37. 원표(元表)의 생애 재고찰, 桂美香, 『문학/사학/철학』Vol.27, , 2011
38. 「탑산사의 문헌적 접근」, 김희태, 『탑산사 복원을 위한 기본계획』장흥군 순천대학교박물관), , 2008
39. 新羅華嚴學의 系譜와 思想, 金知見, 『學術院論文集』(人文 社會科學篇)12,
40. 新羅와 唐의 佛敎典籍交流, 金相鉉, 『신라학 국제학술대회 논문집』제1집, , 2007
41. 국가시대 이전의 한국불교, 로버트 버스웰, 『21세기 문명과 불교』(서울: 동국대학교, , 1997
42. 영암사 적연국사와 천관사, 許興植, 『高麗佛敎史硏究』(서울: 一潮閣, , 1986
43. 「百濟佛敎戒律思想硏究」, 채인환, 『불교학보』28집(동국대학교 불교문화연 구원, , 1991
44. 『한국 고대 불교사 연구』, 김복순, 민족사, (서울: 민족사, , 2002
45. 『밀교와 한국의 문화유적』, 이범교, (서울: 민족사, , 2008
46. 『韓國古代佛敎思想史硏究』, 고익진, 박사학위 논문(동국대학교대학원), , 1984
47. 한국 승려의 長安에서의 활동, 쳔징푸, 『佛敎硏究』23, , 2004
48. 入唐求法僧無漏의 生涯와 思想, 呂聖九, 『선사와 고대』10, 한국고대학회, , 1998
49. 「法藏이 義湘에게 보낸 편지」, 소재영, 『한남어문학』, 한남대학교 한남어문학 회, , 1987
50. 『迦智山寶林寺: 精密地表調查』, 최인선, (順天大學校博物館, , 1995
51. 元表의 生涯와 天冠菩薩信仰硏究, 呂聖九, 『國史館論叢』48, , 1993
52. 「인도로 간 구법승과 신라불교」, 이주형, 『신라학 국제학술대회 논문집』 제2집, , 2008
53. 「혜초가 본 인도와 중앙아시아」, 정병삼, 동국사학회, 『동국사학』Vol.49 No.-, , 2010
54. 조선시대 天冠山의 공간 인식 양상, 朴樹珍, 『溫知論叢』第20輯,
55. 「8세기 신라의 불교사상과 문화」, 정병삼(鄭炳三), 동국대학교 신라문화연구소, 『新羅文化』Vol.25 No.-, , 2005
56. 「韓國佛敎에 있어 華嚴經의 位置」, 이지관, 『불교학보』V.20, , 1983
57. 「신라 ‘西化’구법승과 그 사회」, 권덕영, 『정신문화연구』30권 2호, , 2007
58. 중국 복건지역 한국관련 불적 탐사기, 曺永祿, 『신라문화』15, 동국대학교 신라문화연구소, , 1998
59. 「唐長安都城안의 寺刹과 新羅僧侶」, 변인석,
60. 「新羅下代求法僧들의 行蹟과 實狀」, 김병곤, 『佛敎硏究』, , 2006
61. 「7∼10세기 신라와 강남의 교섭관계」, 김문경, 『중국의 강남사회와 한중교섭』(서울: 집문당, , 1997
62. 「불공삼장의 문수신앙에 관한 연구」, 이정수, 동국대학교 대학원, 동국대석사논문, , 1994
63. 「혜초의 서역기행과 8세기 서역불교」, 정수일, 『문명교류사』(서울: 사계절, , 2002
64. 『중국을 뒤흔든 우리선조 이야기』1·2, 방학봉, 서울: 일송북, , 2004
65. 慧超『往五天竺國傳』의 求法行路硏究, 李春姬(修海), 동국대학교 석사논문, , 2009
66. 「栢巖性聰의 佛典편찬과 사상적 경향」, 조명제, 『역사와 경계』Vol.68, , 2008
67. 「삼국시대 신라 구법승의 활동과 역할」, 권혜영, 『장보고와 21세기』, , 1999
68. 「6세기전반 謙益의 求法活動과 그 의의」, 심경순, 이화여자대학교 석사학위논 문, , 2000
69. 새로 發見된 新羅入唐求法僧惠覺禪師의 碑銘, 樓正豪, 고려대학교 한국사학 과 석사논문, , 2010
70. 「조선후기 『장흥 보림사 중창기』의 고찰」, 김희태, 전남사학회, 『역사학연구』 36 (호남사학회), , 2009
71. 「한국구법승들의 중국내 활동에 관한 연구」, 정병조, 『한중 불교문화 교류사 자료집』, 한국불교연구원, , 2004
72. 「21세기 해양의 시대와 동아시아 불교의 미래」, 윤명철, 『불교와 문 화』, 대한불교진흥원, , 1997
73. 「사찰구조와 출토유물로 본 분황사 성격고찰」, 박대남, 한국고대사탐구학회, (『한국고대사탐 구』, 한국고대사 탐구학회, , 2009
74. 「황룡사의 장육존상과 신라의 아육왕상계 불상」, 김리나, 진단학회, 『震檀學 報』, 震檀學會, , 1979
75. 「숙종 7년 중국선박의 표착과 백암성총의 불서간행」, 이종수, 불교학연구회, 『불교학연구』 (불교학연구회, , 2008
76. 天理大圖書館所藏의 唐法藏致新羅義湘書(墨簡)에 대하여, 李丙燾, 『韓國古 代史硏究』(서울: 博英社, , 1976
77. 「오백 폭에 담긴 호국의 염원 고려시대 「오백나한도」」, 신광희, 『문학|사 학|철학』(한국불교사연구소, 년 봄 여름), , 2015
78. 「당대 오대산 문수신앙과 그 동아시아적 전개에 관한 연구」, 박노준, 성신여자대학교, 성신여자대학교 박사학위논문, , 1997
79. 「혜초의『왕오천축국전』8세기 아시아 문화지리학의 교과서」, 고영섭, 『기전문화예술』, (경기문화재단, , 2005
80. 「『續高僧傳』과 『大唐西域求法高僧傳』에 입전된 韓國高僧의 행적」, 김호동, 『民族文化論叢』, Vol.20, 嶺南大學校民族文化硏究所, , 1999
81. 「張保皐의 海上勢力과 華嚴神衆信仰: 天因의 「天冠山記」분석을 중심 으로」, 조범환, 『신라문화』제32집년 8월), , 2008
82. 「한반도와 남방문화에 관한 사료모음」1, 2. 「불전 및 기록으로 보는 불교와 해양」, 송위지, 『불교와 문화』, , 1999