국제학연구소 규정 외

편집부(편집자) 계명대학교 국제학연구소 2014 국제학논총 Vol.22 No.-

국제학연구소 규정 외

편집부(편집자) 계명대학교 국제학연구소 2015 국제학논총 Vol.23 No.-

중국 선젼(심천)市 룽깡(龍岡)區 따펑(大鵬)鎭 '3회 2표 鎭長선거제'에 대한 분석

조수성 계명대학교 국제학연구소 2002 국제학논총 Vol.7 No.-

In autumn 1998, the Shenzhen City Party Committee made a plan to practice direct election for magistrate. But, this plan was not accepted by the upper organs, because it would violate Article 102 of the Constitution and the Organic Law for Local People’s Congresses. Therefore, the Shenzhen Committee changed the plan from direct election to ´three polls, two ballots´ system. In Dafeng township, the system was carried out to choose the candidate of magistrate in January 1999. All registered voters were allowed to participate in an open primary to nominate candidate, referred to as a ´sea election(haixuan)´(the first poll of first ballot). Those receiving more than 100 votes who met eligibility requirements gave campaign speeches at an open forum, and then underwent an indirect election or ´public opinion poll(minyi ceping)´ by some 1068 electors.(the second poll of first ballot) The winning candidate’s name was then submitted to the Township People’s Congress for a confirming vote, as the sole candidate of magistrate as permitted by law(second ballot). Finally, the incumbent had won and would remain at his post for another term. In 2002 election, the system was not operated, instead the magistrate of Dafeng was appointed by district party committee as of before. Why the ´three polls, two ballots´ system was reversed in spite of the democratic spirit of it? 1. the institutional inertia : These vote methods kept control in the hand of the district party committee, rather than practiced by law. 2. the restriction of candidate qualifications : Voters could each nominate one individual. These individuals had to meet specified age, education and other qualifications, and had to be communist party members. 3. the problem in composition of electoral college : All district party members, all township and village cadres, all villager small groups’ heads, representatives of enterprise and unions naturally should be the member, only some villager representatives would be allowed to participate in the primary election. 4. the limitation of ´sea election´ in itself : 5. the limitation of subject in democratic trial : This election reform was not from the below, was from the above. Therefore the cadres steped back to immediately as receiving the challenge from the top. By these problems and limitations, the ´three polls, two ballots´ system was not in practice any more.

영어접사의 생산성에 관한 연구

김익환 계명대학교 국제학연구소 2004 국제학논총 Vol.9 No.-

The productivity of a given affix is defined as the possibility to coin a new complex word with this affix. Possible words need to conform to the word-formation rules of a language whereas actual words are often idiosyncratic. This paper also discussed how complex words are stored and accessed in the mental lexicon, which is crucial for an understanding of the notion of productivity in word-formation. Productive processes are characterized by many low-frequency words and thus do not depend on the storage of many individual words, whereas unproductive processes show a preponderance high-frequency forms. We have seen that apart from constraint on usage, structural constraints play an important role in word-formation. Possible words of a given morphological category need to conform to very specific phonological, semantic, and syntactic requirements. Finally, token-blocking was discussed, which is a general psycholinguistic mechanism which prevents complex forms from being formed if a synonymous word is already present in the speaker's lexicon.

밀러의 도덕주제와 극작기법

김종선 계명대학교 국제학연구소 2000 국제학논총 Vol.5 No.-

Miller is often called a social dramatist or a moralist. He believes that society is a power and a mystery of custom and inside the man and surrounding him as the fish is in the sea and the sea inside the fish. And he insists that the drama must represent a well-defined expression of profound social needs, needs which transcend any particular form of society or any particular historic moment. His plays take a responsible view of life in American society. Their consistent theme is that man cannot divorce from the rest of humanity. And the nature of his theme is a question of man's increasing awareness of himself and his environment and his quest for justice and for the right to be human. Miller is well aware that the fullness and subtlety of the dramatic construction are as important as the appropriateness of the plot or theme. In order to inculcate in his audience social or morale ideas effectively, the playwright has to depend more upon his art than upon the ideas themselves. Even known facts when presented on the stage have the drawback of becoming repetitive or awkward unless the method of presentation is varied or made attractive. Miller is also well aware of this drawback and his subtle manipulations of varying dramatic techniques have made his moral themes effective on the stage without sacrificing complexity and depth. Technically Miller is a conservative because he seldom deviates from his staple dramatic device of realism. In his entire dramatic writing his only departure from realism is for the flashback technique incorporated with realism in Salesman, the expressionistic technique in Fall, and the "engaged narrator "device in Bridge. He only supplements the deficiencies of realism with other techniques so as to project his moral theme more abruptly and effectively. Miller's plays seem to belong to the allegorical tradition. His general practice in his plays is to put virtue in the form of personal morality and the human will or the life-force and vice in the form of material success and power. Engaged in the conflict between the two, his protagonists assume the allegorical role of "everyman," the immoral and the will-less being defeated and killed, and the moral and will-full surviving. Among the various technical devices employed under non-realistic style of playwriting, Miller singles out poetic form for detailed examination. According to him, poetic form presupposes for its relevance an inseparable union between man's private and social life, which is manifestly lacking in modern times. Poetry is the "language of society, the language of public life and not of the family." He still has the experimental urge in him as may be seen in Creation. What continues to prompt him to devise new ways of dramatic expression is his deepening interest in human reality. The theme and the structure of his plays seem to move in a concentric circle.

유럽통합 진전과 유럽의회의 위상 제고

이종광 계명대학교 국제학연구소 2000 국제학논총 Vol.5 No.-

The European Parliament(EP), which represents 'the peoples of the States brought together in the European Union', is the only Community institution that meets and deliberates in public. The first direct elections to the EP were held in June 1979. The EP derives its legitimacy from direct universal suffrage and has increasingly acquired greater influence and power through a series of treaties. These treaties, particularly the 1992 Maastricht Treaty and the 1997 Amsterdam Treaty, have transformed the EP from a consultative assembly into a legislative parliament. The number of Members per state is laid down by the Treaties. In the Chamber, Members sit in political groups, not in national delegations. The EP has three fundamental powers; the power to legislate, the power of the purse and the power to supervise the executive. The normal legislative procedure is codecision. It puts the EP and the Council on an equal footing and leads to the adoption of joint Council and EP acts. Codecision is now one of Parliament's mast important powers. The power of the purse is a significant power which allows the EP to assert its political priorities. Since the 1970 and 1975 Luxembourg Treaties which created the Community's own resources, the EP and the Council share the power of the purse. Parliament exercises democratic supervision over all Community activities. This power, which was originally allied to the activities of the Commission only, has been extended to the Council of Ministers, the European Council. The EP can also set up committees of inquiry. The EP plays an important role in the process of appointing the Commission. After approving the nomination for Commission President, Parliament holds hearings with the nominee Commissioners and then appoints the Commission by a vote of confidence. This power, in addition to Parliament's right to censure the Commission, is a powerful political weapon since the adoption of a motion of censure would force the Commission to resign. Parliament's expanded budgetary and legislative powers have increased its influence over the Council and the Commission. The co-decision procedure in particular has helped to create a balance of legislative power between the Council and the EP.

兼好の博記硏究(4)

朱正暾 啓明大學校 國際學硏究所 日本硏究室 1992 日本學誌 Vol.12 No.-

徒然草の 作者秉好は、 ト部家の 人であゐ。彼は、 第- 關東下向(德治二年1307) から、婦京して久しからず、 延慶元年(1308) 八月に主君の 堀川具守を通じて、親近關係のあつた 後二條帝の 死に出會つた .このこと前回の 論考で詳しく 述べたところであゐ.その 項から兼好は、 官職の道を斷ち 、 本來のト部家の人として、また知識人としての道を求めようすゐ 持つようになつた 。

유럽안보체제의 변화의 쟁점 : EU의 공동외교안보정책(CFSP) 분석을 중심으로 An Analysis on Europea Union's CFSP

이승근 계명대학교 국제학연구소 2001 국제학논총 Vol.6 No.-

From the signing of the Treaties of Rome on 25th March 1957, the Europeans focussed especially on economic aspects, i.e. the creation of a common market. But even if the ideas for cooperation in the area of international policy and security were already in evidence, during nearly forty years, the concept 'common foreign policy' found no place in the many treaties. Although the Member States of the EC(European Community) cooperated to consult one another on major international policy and security problems from later 1970, this was at intergovernmental level in the context of 'EPC'(European political cooperation). But the Europeans formalized the intergovernmental cooperation by singing the SEA(Single European Act) in 1986 without any changes of its nature or methods of operation. The treaty of Maastricht changed a lot the way of cooperation of the Europeans for the first time. Since the Treaty's entry into force on 1 November 1993, the 'CFSP'(Common Foreign and Security Policy) let the Europeans cooperate in the field of the problems of defense of Europe, international and European armed conflicts, human rights and any other subject linked to the fundamental principles and common values of the European Union. The provisions on the CFSP were revised by the Amsterdam Treaty, which came into force on 1 May 1999, and the Treaty of Nice, signed on 26 February 2001 renewed CFSP provisions. In the long run, since the end of the Cold War, Europe's defence needs have changed, and the EU has decided to take responsibility for its own security. Therefore, an analysis on European Union it self, the success of the formation of the CFSP and the works of multilateral institutions of EU gives a great importance for studying the regional multilateral security system, as a new regional security Regime. In this sense, this paper treats the changes of security environment in Europe, the process of building of the CFSP, the problems of its execution, European security identity, NATO and EU's enlargement and security problems.

유럽통합에서의 양 축 : 심화와 확대 Deepening and Enlargement

이종광 계명대학교 국제학연구소 2001 국제학논총 Vol.6 No.-

The vision of a new Europe(United States of Europe) which would transcend antagonistic nationalism finally emerged from the resistance movements which had sprung up to resist totalitarianism during the Second World War. Initially the Community's activities were confined to the creation of a common market in coal and steel between the six founder members. In that post-war period the Community was primarily seen as a way to securing peace by bringing victors and vanquished together within an institutional structure which would allow them to cooperate as equals. In 1957, the Six decided to create an economic community, built around the free movement of workers, goods and services. The success of the Six led Denmark, Ireland and the United Kingdom to apply for Community membership. They were finally admitted in 1972 following difficult negotiations during which France, under General de Gaulle, used its veto twice, once in 1061 and again in 1967. This first enlargement, which increased the number of Member from six to nine in 1973, was matched by a deepening of the Community's tasks. The need for economic convergence and monetary union became apparent in the early 1970s when the United States suspended dollar convertibility. The launch of a European Monetary System in 1979 helped stabilise exchange rates and encourage Member States to pursue strict economic policies, enabling them to give each other mutual support and benefit from the discipline imposed by an open economic area. The Community expanded southwards with the accession of Greece in 1981 and Spain and Portugal in 1986. These enlargements made it even more imperative to implement structural programmes designed to reduce the disparities between the Twelve in terms of economic development. The collapse of the Berlin Wall, liberation from Soviet control and subsequent democratisation of the countries of central and eastern Europe and the disintegration of the Soviet Union in December 1991, transformed the political structure of Europe. The Member States determined to strengthen their ties and negotiated a new Treaty, the main features of which were agreed at the Maastricht European Council on 9-10 December 1991. The Treaty on European Union, which entered into force on 1 November 1993, sets the Member States an ambitious programme: monetary union by 1999, new common policies, European citizenship, a common foreign and security policy and internal security. On 1 January 1995, three further countries joined the European Union. Austria, Finland and Sweden expanded the Union with their specific characters and opened up further dimensions at the heart of central and northern Europe. The Union of Fifteen now faces two major challenges: success in enlargement to include the ten countries of central and eastern Europe and Cyprus, and use of the dynamics of monetary union which should provide the economies of the Member States with better convergence and the conditions for permanent job-creating growth. Neither of these challenges will be overcome without considerable effort. How can a Union of more than twenty-seven members operate without the decision-making mechanisms being strengthened, and without ensuring that policies of solidarity and joint action benefit from funding which is both effective and fair? How are people from so many different backgrounds and cultures to develop the will to live together, so that they will be prepared to pool a part of their sovereignty? In more general terms, while enlargement will increase the heterogeneous nature of interests and perceptions within the Union, how will the consensus of the Member States be maintained on the major objectives set by Europeans, and the means of achieving them? Henceforth, the Union has no choice but to progress still further along the road towards an organisation which is both efficient and democratic, capable of making decisions and taking action while preserving the identity of its constituent States. Unless it can strengthen its structures and rationalise decision-making the Union will be faced with the prospect of dilution or paralysis. A "Greater Europe" in gestation will only develop into an organised power if it is built in such a way as to be capable of speaking and acting as one.

An Explanation of Juvenile Justice System in the U. S. : New York vs. Massachusetts 뉴욕 주와 매사추세츠 주의 비교

Kim, Jeong-Gyu 계명대학교 국제학연구소 2004 국제학논총 Vol.9 No.-

본 연구는 미국의 청소년 사법제도 중 청소년 보호관찰제도를 중심으로 뉴욕 주와 매사추세츠 주의 제도를 비교 분석한다. 대표적인 사회 내 처우의 하나인 청소년 보호관찰은 미국의 거의 모든 주에서 일탈청소년의 처우방법으로써 가장 유용하게 사용되고 있다. 청소년 보호관찰은 시설 내 처우가 지니는 여러 단점을 보완함과 동시에 가족을 포함한 사회공동체를 청소년 교정과정에 참여시키고, 가혹한 처벌보다는 청소년의 내적 교화에 더 큰 목적을 두고 있는 제도라고 할 수 있다. 뉴욕 주와 매사추세츠 주는 이러한 사회 내 처우의 시행을 이끈 대표적인 주들이지만 현재 두 주의 청소년 사법제도의 차이는 비교적 뚜렷하게 나타난다. 먼저 보호관찰제도를 직접적으로 주관하고 감독하는 체계가 다름을 논의한다. 두주가 모두 주 단위보다는 지역단위로 감독하고 주관하는 체계로 분권화 되어 있긴 하지만, 매사추세츠 주는 사법부의 관할인 반면, 뉴욕 주는 행정부의 관할임을 보이고 상이한 감독 체계구조에 따른 특징과 장단점이 분석 되었다. 둘째, 상이한 사법절차의 과정을 논의하고 있다. 뉴욕 주는 보호관찰관이 일탈청소년의 처우에 있어서 중요한 권력을 지니고 판사는 구체적인 처우에 대한판결만 담당하는 반면, 매사추세츠 주는 판사가 모든 것을 주관하지만 구체적인 처우에 대한 판단은 청소년 교정기구(DYS)에서 한다는 점에서 다르다. 따라서 두 주의 사법절차에 있어서 의사결정 기관의 상이함에 따른 권력체계가 분석되었다. 셋째, 보호관찰에 처해진 청소년의 감시와 통제의 정도를 보여주고 있다. 두 주 모두 철저한 감시와 감독체계로 인해 사회 내 처우에 처해진 청소년이 실제로 시설 내 처우에 처해진 것과 거의 다름없는 정도의 통제를 받고 있음을 주장한다. 넷째, 두 주의 구금율과 처해지는 교정 시설의 종류가 다르다. 매사추세츠 주는 뉴욕 주에 비해 구금율도 낮을 뿐 아니라 시설 내 처우를 했을 경우에도 장기시설 보다는 단기시설에, 그리고 공립시설 보다는 사립시설에 주로 청소년을 처함으로써, 뉴욕 주 보다 더 교화와 갱생에 중점을 두는 정책을 쓰는 반면, 뉴욕 주는 상대적으로 시설 내 처우에 정책의 강조점이 있는 것으로 나타나 고 있다. 이러한 분석을 통해 매사추세츠 주의 청소년 사법체계의 각 분야는 뉴욕 주에 비해 독립적이면서 상호 연결이 느슨한 구조인 반면, 뉴욕 주의 체계는 보다 통합적이고 체계별 연결이 상대적으로 더 강하게 이루어져 있음을 밝히고 있다. 그러나 두 주 모두 보호관찰을 통한 사회 내 처우를 강조하고 있고, 실제로도 그렇게 행해지고 있지만, 그 체계의 내부를 들여다보면, 시설 내 처우에서 오는 여러 단점을 극복하기 보다는 오히려 시설 내 처우에 존재하던 공식적 통제를 사회 내 처우에까지 더 효과적이고 효율적으로 확장하고 재생산 해 간다는 주장을 뒷받침함으로써, 공식적 제도를 통한 감시와 감독, 그리고 비공식적 통제 속의 교화와 갱생의 경계선이 불분명함을 나타내고 있다.