사회적 재생산 여성주의의 비판적 재구성 계급 무급 돌봄 : 가사 노동에 대한 보상 및 기본소득을 중심으로

권정임 경상국립대학교 사회과학연구원 2022 마르크스주의 연구 Vol.19 No.4

This article studies of social reproduction feminism, based on Marx’s critical study of political economy. This problematic provides a perspective with which to research women’s oppression and liberation, in its systematic relationship with the multi-layered dimensions of capitalist society such as socioeconomic status, class, gender, race, and ecology, all in an integrated and non-reductive manner. This article also attempts to reconstruct social reproduction feminism part of a more systematic program First, it reconstructs the research methods of social reproduction feminism based on Marx’s political economy. Second, it critically transforms some of the claims of social reproduction feminism. It emphasizes the ‘precariat’ in order to properly reflect the changed class dynamic of modern capitalism. It also highlights basic income to adequately address the issue of compensation for unpaid care and domestic work and to promote alternative social reproduction. 이 글에서는 사회적 재생산 여성주의에 대한 비판적 연구를 수행한다. 그 결과 이 사조가 마르크스의 정치경제학에 대한 비판적 연구에 기초하여, 자본주의 사회에서의 여성 억압과 여성 해방의 가능성을 사회경제, 계급, 젠더, 인종, 생태 등 자본주의 사회의 다층적 차원과의 체계적인 연관 아래 통합적이면서도 비환원론적으로 연구할 수 있는 전망과 단서를 제공함을 보인다. 또한 사회적 재생산 여성주의의 이러한 의의에 연계하여, 이 글에서는 사회적 재생산 여성주의를 자본주의 사회에서의 여성 억압과 여성 해방의 가능성을 연구하는 보다 체계적인 프로그램으로 재구성하고자 한다. 이러한 재구성은 두 가지 방식으로 진행된다. 첫째는 사회적 재생산 여성주의의 연구결과를 마르크스의 정치경제학에 기초하여 보다 근본적·체계적으로 재구성하는 것이다. 둘째는 사회적 재생산 여성주의의 내·외부에서 제기되는 이견이나 쟁점에 대한 연구를 수행하여, 사회적 재생산 여성주의의 주장들 일부를 비판적으로 변형하는 것이다. 이 글에서 논의하는 쟁점은 계급 문제, 무급 돌봄·가사노동에 대한 적절한 보상 문제 및 사회적 재생산의 대안적 전망의 실현을 위한 정책으로서의 기본소득이다.

자본주의 해부에서 자본주의의 미래로 : 김영용, 『노동가치탐구』(도서출판참, 2022)

안현효 경상국립대학교 사회과학연구원 2024 마르크스주의 연구 Vol.21 No.1

『노동가치탐구』는 『자본론』 1권, 1편 상품과 화폐 편을 소개하고 주해하는 소박한 목적을 달성함과 동시에 『자본론』 1권, 1편의 범위 내에서 마르크스 노동가치론을 증명하려는 담대한 시도를 하였다. 첫째, 『노동가치탐구』에서 마르크스 가치 개념을 이해하는 데서의 다면적 차원, 즉 실체, 형태, 크기라는 다차원을 접근함에 있어 가치형태를 가치의 ‘발현’이라는차원에서 해석하고 시장을 통한 가치의 ‘승인’과 변증법적 상호관계 속에서 접근하고 있다. 본 논문은 이 단서에 주목하여 마르크스의 가치형태론의 의미를 유통주의적 해석과 투하노동적 해석을 극복할 단서로 평가한다. 둘째, 하지만 『자본론』 1권 1편의 연구 및 서술 대상이 자본주의적 생산양식인가, 단순상품생산사회인가는 쟁점이 된다. 『노동가치탐구』는 후자의 입장을 선택하여 『자본론』 1권 1편의 주해 과정에서 노동가치의 양적 분배 문제를 모두 해명하고자하는데 이는 부문별 노동의 양적 분배 문제를 다룰 수 없다는 한계를 가진다는 점을지적한다. 셋째, 상품 물신성은 사람과 사람의 관계가 물과 물의 관계로 전도되는 점을 해명하는 단서가 되며 이에 대한 분석과 해명을 통해 자본주의적 물신성을 이해할 수 있는 단서가 된다는 점을 높이 평가할 수 있다. 비록 단순상품생산사회의 제한 속에서 분석하지만 『노동가치탐구』의 연구 및 서술은 “우리가 사는 사회” 이후의 사회를 상상하고 탐구하는 데 중요한 출발점이 될것으로 보인다.

《동향과 전망》의 과거·현재·미래 - 마르크스주의 연구 창간 20주년 기념 세미나 종합토론(2024.7.12)

이일영 경상국립대학교 사회과학연구원 2025 마르크스주의 연구 Vol.22 No.1

The Rise and Fall of State Feudalism in China

안잔 차크라바티,사요니 마줌다르 경상국립대학교 사회과학연구원 2024 마르크스주의 연구 Vol.21 No.4

This paper interprets China’s socialist transition from the Maoist to the Dengist period as the rise and fall of state feudalism. Our result stems from a class-focused frame which uses class process of surplus labour as the entry point and overdetermined contradictions of class and non-class processes as the mode of analysis. Contrary to conventional renditions of the Maoist period as a case of socialism or state capitalism, the institutions of rural communes and urban danweis are uncovered here as nurturing state feudal class structures. The roles of ownership structure, planning, hukou, CCP and state are revisited as provider of non-class conditions of existence of the state feudal class structures. Despite acknowledging the importance of non-class process of price scissor, any inferred association of price scissor with primitive accumulation, capitalist or socialist, is rejected. The subsequent Dengist period is revealed as having dismantled the erstwhile state feudal class structures and their associated conditions of existence, where the set of reforms is analysed as having laid the ground for the appearance of capitalist class structures, state and private. Our paper is throughout underpinned by a non-Eurocentric, non-teleological approach to transition whereby feudalism per se is not associated with the past but may very well reappear in the context of a contemporary society, illustrated in the case of Maoist China through the countenance of state feudalism.

Ricardo and/or Marx?: A review of classical political economics and modern capitalism: theories of value, competition and trade by Lefteris Tsoulfidis and Persefoni Tsaliki

마이클 로버츠 경상국립대학교 사회과학연구원 2020 마르크스주의 연구 Vol.17 No.1

Lefteris Tsoulfidis and Persefoni Tsaliki provide a convincing and robust theoretical analysis of capitalism. But strangely, they see Marxian economics as a strand of classical political economy, not as a critical attack on classical economics, as Marx did. Indeed, the authors are at their most convincing when they develop Marxian theory in contrast to classical and neoclassical analyses. They show that in modern capitalism, it is profit and the profitability of capital that rules; not consumption, not competition or monopoly. Crises in capitalism have intrinsic causes and therefore are not conjectural and in this sense are inevitable.

유가적 마르크스주의(Confucian Marxism): 그 사유구조와 문화-정치적 징후에 관하여

피경훈 경상국립대학교 사회과학연구원 2024 마르크스주의 연구 Vol.21 No.4

This review examines Chen Weigang’s book Confucian Marxism. In modern China, Marxism has been the core principle for constructing both the state and society. However, from its early stages of adoption intellectuals, including Mao Zedong, were confronted with the task of adapting Marxism to China’s unique circumstances. This process gave birth to the concept and thought structure of Sino- Marxism. which, Up until the Cultural Revolution, was the hegemonic ideology. However, after the Cultural Revolution’s tragic end Sino-Marxism was identified as its primary cause. With the emergence of the concept of Confucian Marxism, the latter came to be regarded as a synonym for corruption. In the twenty first century there have been emerging attempts to reinterpret the relationship between Confucianism and Marxism, and Chen's book reflects this trend. Confucian Marxism synthesizes the problems of modern society into the concept of homo duplex - a dual human being who is both a private individual and capable of contemplating public matters. According to Chen, although Kant and other modern Western thinkers posited this dual human being, they did not thoroughly examine how its dualist aspects could be harmonized. This epistemological flaw has been carried over into Marxism, with Marx claiming that the problem of homo duplex being could be resolved in the realm of economics. By interpreting theorists such as Kant, Hegel, Marx, and Weber from the perspective of the dual human being, Chen outlines their epistemological frameworks. On this foundation, he argues that Confucian Marxism possesses the intellectual resources to overcome Marxism's. This review article will outline the overall content of Confucian Marxism, re-examine the epistemological 176 2024년 제21권 제4호structure proposed by the author, and explore the cultural-political implications expressed through the author's perspective.

노동시간의 화폐적 표현(MELT)에 대한 비판적 검토 : 전형 문제를 중심으로

정이근 경상국립대학교 사회과학연구원 2024 마르크스주의 연구 Vol.21 No.4

In terms of the expended labor, the ratio of gross value to gross price and the ratio of gross unpaid labor time to gross profit are not equal. To say this in other way according to Poley’s interest, the ratio of gross unpaid labor time to gross profit does not coincide with the ratio of direct labor time to gross value added. Therefore the advocates for MELT abandon the definitions of value categories in terms of the expended labor, alternatively accept the definitions of value categories(especially the value of labor power) in terms of the commanded labor. They introduce the intermediary notion, i.e., MELT to define the value categories in terms of the commanded labor. The MELT which is defined as the ratio of gross direct labor time to gross value added is the amount of money that is realized by an averaged or indiscriminative direct labor time through the circulation. ‘The value of money’ or the reciprocal of MELT is the indiscriminative direct labor time that one dollar can command. But the advocates for MELT did not apprehend the meaning of MELT like this correctly. They define the paid labor time as the value of money multiplied by the money wage that connotes the indiscriminative direct labor time which the money wage can command. Then the paid labor time and the unpaid labor time that are defined by this definition are not a part of the direct labor time. Therefore the definitions of the paid labor time and unpaid labor time in terms of the commanded labor are not valid in theory. In effect the definitions of the value categories by MELT in terms of the commanded labor are themselves incorrect. Therefore the advocates for MELT have to reconsider their tries to elucidate the transformation problem by the use of MELT as an intermediary notion.

‘마르크스주의 연구 20년과 진보 학술잡지의 미래’ 토론문

홍승용 경상국립대학교 사회과학연구원 2025 마르크스주의 연구 Vol.22 No.1

노동의 대륙의 미래를 위한 경합: 동아시아 노동운동의 관할구역에 대한 마르크스주의적 비판

장대업 경상국립대학교 사회과학연구원 2024 마르크스주의 연구 Vol.21 No.4

The populist rise of authoritarian neoliberalism in the midst of neoliberalism's protracted decline can be seen as a consequence of the labour movement's failure during the heyday of neoliberalism. It is because the peripheral workers who became part of the cross-class alliance supporting this new authoritarianism are the very people the labour movement should have organised. Global neoliberalism has created a new class of workers engaged in a range of precarious work within, outside of and at the margins of capital relations. However, with a few exceptions, the existing trade unions in East Asia have had a disappointing track record in encompassing the agency of these marginalised workers, leaving these new actors vulnerable to the lure of new right-wing populism. Organising new workers beyond the defensive strategies during the heyday of global neoliberalism requires a fundamental rethinking of the constituency of the labour movement. This begins by moving beyond the minimalist definition of capitalist labour that has dominated Eurocentric Marxism and social movement unionism in the 20th century, which prioritises workers who produce surplus value through productive activity within clearly defined capital relations and receive a wage in return. This epistemological shift is an urgent imperative for Marxist labour and labour movement theories as it can bring the whole spectrum of labour that constitutes global capitalism into the constituency of labour movements. The three faces of capitalist labour, recently defined by Nancy Fraser as expropriated, exploited and domesticated labour, and the solidarity of the three labour movements for their emancipation, is a conclusion that Marx, who depicted the working class in a continuum from expropriation to exploitation while emphasising the centrality of wage labour, would have reached if he had the opportunity to fully reconstruct the history of capitalism. By recognising the interconnectedness of these three movements and using them as a new starting point for cooperation and integration, the labour movement can become a universal platform for these different movements of labour.

The Red Decades가 보여 준 일제강점기 한국 공산주의자들의 이상과 실현, 그리고 현실

송준서 경상국립대학교 사회과학연구원 2024 마르크스주의 연구 Vol.21 No.4

Vladimir Tikhonov’s(Park, No-ja) monograph, The Red Decades: Communism as Movement and Culture in Korea, 1919-1945, shows how during the Japanese colonial period, many Korean intellectuals accepted Communist ideology as a new culture, recognizing it as a model for an alternative modernity. During the interwar period, Communists used violence to respond to rampant state violence against their activities. In addition, Park emphasizes that the severe factionalism of the interwar Korean Communist movement was comparable to other countries, especially Germany. However, he argues that it contributed to concretizing the movement's theory, strategy, and tactics, laying the foundation for the social reform movement in South Korea after the Korean War. Although this argument could be strengthened with more evidence, the monograph expands the topic's geographical and time scope by locating it within a global movement, while connecting its legacy to postwar social and political movements.