Robust Albedo Estimation From a Facial Image With Cast Shadow Under General Unknown Lighting

Sungho Suh,Minsik Lee,Chong-Ho Choi IEEE 2013 IEEE TRANSACTIONS ON IMAGE PROCESSING - Vol.22 No.1

<P>Albedo estimation from a facial image is crucial for various computer vision tasks, such as 3-D morphable-model fitting, shape recovery, and illumination-invariant face recognition, but the currently available methods do not give good estimation results. Most methods ignore the influence of cast shadows and require a statistical model to obtain facial albedo. This paper describes a method for albedo estimation that makes combined use of image intensity and facial depth information for an image with cast shadows and general unknown light. In order to estimate the albedo map of a face, we formulate the albedo estimation problem as a linear programming problem that minimizes intensity error under the assumption that the surface of the face has constant albedo. Since the solution thus obtained has significant errors in certain parts of the facial image, the albedo estimate needs to be compensated. We minimize the mean square error of albedo under the assumption that the surface normals, which are calculated from the facial depth information, are corrupted with noise. The proposed method is simple and the experimental results show that this method gives better estimates than other methods.</P>

Supervised segmentation with domain adaptation for small sampled orbital CT images

Suh Sungho,Cheon Sojeong,Choi Wonseo,Chung Yeon Woong,Cho Won-Kyung,Paik Ji-Sun,Kim Sung Eun,Chang Dong-Jin,Lee Yong Oh 한국CDE학회 2022 Journal of computational design and engineering Vol.9 No.2

Deep neural networks have been widely used for medical image analysis. However, the lack of access to a large-scale annotated dataset poses a great challenge, especially in the case of rare diseases or new domains for the research society. Transfer of pre-trained features from the relatively large dataset is a considerable solution. In this paper, we have explored supervised segmentation using domain adaptation for optic nerve and orbital tumour, when only small sampled CT images are given. Even the lung image database consortium image collection (LIDC-IDRI) is a cross-domain to orbital CT, but the proposed domain adaptation method improved the performance of attention U-Net for the segmentation in public optic nerve dataset and our clinical orbital tumour dataset by 3.7% and 13.7% in the Dice score, respectively. The code and dataset are available at https://github.com/cmcbigdata.

조선시대의 철 생산체제

서성호(Suh Sungho) 한국중세고고학회 2021 한국중세고고학 Vol.- No.9

고려말 산철지에 철장을 두면서 추진된 철장제는 조선 태종 대에 양계 지역을 포함한 전국범위에서 확립되었다. 철장에서의 제철 노동은 산철지의 일반 군현민 중에서 일부로 이루어진 취련군이 담당하였다. 그런데 공철은 산철지에만 부과된 것이 아니어서, 철장이 없던 군현의 백성들은 철을 사서 납부하거나, 가재도구, 또는 농기구까지 바쳐야 했다. 세종 대에는 이를 해결하기 위해 철장도회제가 실시되었다. 철장도회에서는 철장 소재지의 주민에 더하여 인근 비산철지 주민들까지 제철노동에 참여한 것이 달랐다. 비산철지 주민들에게 철장도회제는 식량을 휴대한 채 원거리를 왕래해야 하고, 자주 농사철과 겹치는 등 또 다른 민폐의 원인이 되었다. 마침 세조 대에 간경도감 설치를 계기로 공물대납이 허용되면서 철 역시 대납이 성행함에 따라 철장도회제는 중단되었다. 공물대납의 폐해가 극심해지자, 새로 즉위한 예종은 초강경한 대납 처벌 방침을 선언하는 등 사태가 일변하였으나, 곧이어 경과 조치가 내려지면서 엄벌 분위기는 약화하였다. 성종 초년에 부활한 철장도회제 하에서 철장도회에 어렵사리 왕래 부역하던 농민들까지 방납[대납]의 피해를 입자, 성종 대 후반에는 철장도회제 자체를 아예 폐지하자는 관료들의 주장이 잦았다. 이 과정에서 잡역 면제론과 같은 비교적 현실성 있는 대안은 말할 것도 없고, 대납의 현실을 어느 정도 인정한 듯한 各自採鐵론이나 各自備納론조차 성종에 의해 기각되고, 일방적으로 철장도회제 유지로 결론이 내려졌다. 16세기에도 철장도회제가 명맥을 이어나갔음은 충주 지역 사례에서 확인된다. 그러나 활발한 철 유통과 공철 대납, 정부 수요 철물의 시장 구입 추세 속에서 왕래 부역에 의존한 철장도회제는 오래 지속되기 어려웠다. 여기에다 임진왜란이라는 외부의 충격은 철장도회제를 근본적으로 뒤흔들었던 것으로 보인다. 조선시대에는 수군이나 죄인의 노동을 이용한 제철도 이루어졌다. 다만 이것들은 각기 군인의 군역 수행, 죄인에 대한 노동刑 집행의 일환이어서 군현민들이 생계활동과 잡역의 한편에서 부역을 감수해야 했던 철장도회제와는 경우가 다른 것이었다. 조선시대 민간제철의 실체를 구체적으로 확인하기는 어려우나, 다양한 용도와 규모로 행해진 철 유통의 바탕에는 민간제철이 있었다. 특히 공철의 대납이 정책에 따른 일시적 굴곡 속에서도 성행하고, 이를 주도하는 철 상인들의 활동 속에서 국가의 대량 철 수요까지 시장에서의 구입을 통해 충족될 정도로 민간제철의 생산이 이루어지고 있었다. 민간의 철 생산은 철장 소재지에 거주하며 대대로 제철에 종사해 온 사람들에 의해서 이루어지는 경우가 많았다. 자신의 고을이 더 이상 공철을 부담하지 않게 되는 경우에도 생계를 위한 제철은 그 지역에서 그대로 이어갔을 것이다. 또 국가가 산철지로 파악하지 않았던 곳에서도 생계 활동의 일환으로 이뤄지는 소규모의 민간제철이 일부 존재했을 것이다. 임진왜란은 무엇보다 부역제에 의존하는 철장도회제를 결정적으로 흔들어 놓았다. 전쟁을 겪으면서 주민 호구 파악이 실제와 괴리가 커지면서 왕실과 관련한 역사조차 역 징발이 제대로 되지 않았다. 이러한 가운데, 지방 차원에서 민을 파악, 차출해야 하는 철장도회제는 그 현실적인 난관이 매우 컸으리라 짐작된다. 실제로 경상도 산음이나 충청도 서산, 태안 등지의 사례는 임진왜란 이후 무너진 철장도회제의 현주소를 엿보게 한다. 중앙 각 기관 수요의 철물도 이제 해당기관이 그때그때 알아서 산철지에 관원을 직접 보내어 제련을 독려해야 했다. 부역에 의존한 철장제나 철장도회제 모두 임진왜란으로 무너진 생산력을 예전의 수준으로 회복하지 못하는 가운데, 일부 제철장들을 宮家에서 점유하는 일이 많아졌고, 다른 한편에서는 신설된 군영들의 제철장 설치·운영이 임진왜란 이후 가장 큰 변화로 대두하였다. 군영 소속 제철장은 石鐵 운반용 선박을 자체 보유하는 등 일반 군현의 제철장보다 우월한 물력 내지 조직력을 지녔다. 이들 제철장은 匠人이나 일반 인부들의 농지에 대해 면세 혜택을 준다든가, 제련 인부로부터 身鐵을 거두는 대신 잡역을 면제해 주기도 했는데, 기존 철장도회제에서는 볼 수 없는 일이었다. 군영 소속 제철장 중에서도 훈련도감과 울산 철광 이의립의 관계는 군영 소속 제철장 운영의 한 형태를 보다 구체적으로 보여 준다. 군영의 관할 하에 있으면서도 민간의 실질 책임 하에 제철 전반을 운영하고 생산물의 일부를 국가에 稅로 납부하는, 일종의 반관반민적 형태의 제철이라 할 만했다. In the Joseon Dynasty, both the Cheoljang System and Cheoljangdohoe System were systems in which the people"s labor was mobilized free of charge to produce iron. The Cheoljangdohoe System was repeatedly enforced and abolished, and on the other hand, the payment of iron as rice was also legally or illegally carried out in the active circulation of iron based on private iron making. Although the Cheoljangdohoe System continued until the 16th century, there were frequent claims to abolish it at the end of the 15th century due to institutional limitations that depended on free labor. It seems that the Cheoljangdohoe System was hit by a decisive blow as the free labor requisition system collapsed due to the Imjin War. In the late Joseon Dynasty, several government-run ironworks were occupied by royal family, and the ironworks by newly established military garrisons emerged as a new phenomenon. In the ironworks affiliated with the military garrisons, certain counter benefits were given to the labor force. In some cases, a semi-governmental ironmaking industry has emerged, in which the private-initiated ironmaking is carried out and a certain amount of tax is paid, as in the case of Ulsan"s Yi Euirip.

Tensorial Belief Propagation을 이용한 일반적인 광원 조건의 Photometric Stereo

서승호(Sungho Suh),최종호(Chong-Ho Choi) 대한전자공학회 2010 대한전자공학회 학술대회 Vol.2010 No.6

고려 묘지명 유물의 기초적 검토

徐聖鎬 ( Suh Sungho ) 국립중앙박물관 2008 동원학술논문집 Vol.9 No.-

The production of Goryeo epitaphs multiplied several-fold as the 12th century rolled in. This high level of production attests to the fact that as the Goryeo bureaucracy was developing and the government administration, centralized in the nobility, was beginning to show aristocratic aspects socially and culturally, the epitaph culture had settled amidst these circumstances and was being widely accepted within the societies of government officials and men of renowned lineages. There was a particular phenomenon that occurred during the 13th and 14th centuries when the production of epitaphs of Buddhist monks became exceedingly rare. In association with this phenomena were the genealogical records that documented the epitaphs of the members of the ruling class. There is a high probability that as a result of the abiding Confucius ideology, the documentation of the epitaphs of ancestors who were Buddhist monks were generally excluded. What also needs to be taken into consideration, in the instances of such documents, is that the writers of these records were men who were generally centered on the dissemination of Sung Confucianism. The only issue left to be solved is whether these men were not at the time trying strongly to eliminate Buddhism. The greatest majority of the owners of the epitaphs were government officials and their respective wives. Looking at the production trend of the epitaphs, compared to the 12th century, the production frequency of the epitaphs of officials of the highest order decreased to 32.7% during the 13th and 14th centuries. At the same time, the production of middle to lower level officials' epitaphs decreased only to 6 to 7.7%. These decreases are seen as a reflection of the deepening economic polarization that occurred within the ruling class. Due to long-term hostilities with the Mongols and the succeeding Yuan interference for more than 80 years, although the farmlands of the powerful governmental authorities were expanding daily, middle to low ranking officials were hardly able to receive a steady stipend. Within this polarization, it was only natural that the production of epitaphs for middle to low-ranking officials began to dwindle. Epitaphs can be categorized according to their shape. There are mainly three types: the long widthwise, the square shaped, and the long lengthwise. In comparison with China's case where the square-shaped type was the prevalent choice, there was an overwhelming demand for the long widthwise type during the 12th and 13th century in Goryeo. However, the tide turned in the 14th century when the percentage of long lengthwise type epitaphs became higher than the long widthwise type. This change generally corresponds with the growing trend of placing the title of the deceased at top of the epitaph during this period. The origins of this change in the location of the title needs to be investigated henceforth. The size of the epitaph differed according to the rank of the deceased official. If the size of an epitaph for a low-ranking official is seen to be the standard, then the epitaphs of middle-ranking officials were 1.5 times larger while epitaphs for high-ranking officials were 2.2 times larger. Therefore, along with the aforementioned frequency of the production of the epitaphs, the size of the epitaph which was proportionate with the owner's governmental rank or the governmental rank of the owner's husband, provides direct evidence of the hierarchical nature of the production of these expensive epitaphs. It is difficult to determine the whereabouts of all of the Goryeo epitaphs. For example, the epitaphs were placed within the tomb of Gwon Jun from Seogok-ri in Paju, and the tomb of Bak Ik from Gobeop-ri in Milyang which belongs to the early Joseon period. But these men were top-ranking government officials who were buried within a stone chamber tomb with an entrance. Other cases have yet to be excavated to tell where the epitaphs are placed for other government officials. However, some cases where the epitaphs are too large to be placed inside the coffins are of little help. After all, there is a need to take into consideration that the structure of the tombs varied from one to another. Therefore, it is difficult to give a uniform answer to the placement of the epitaphs. This paper is only a small first step towards getting a full understanding of the Goryeo period epitaphs as artifacts in and of themselves. Above all, in order to deepen the understanding of the epitaph as an antiquity, and the funeral process during the Goryeo period, excavations are needed on a number of newly discovered Goiyeo tombs that contain epitaphs.

덕수1784 “織物馬牌”의 正體와 明 符驗

서성호 ( Suh Sungho ) 국립중앙박물관 2015 동원학술논문집 Vol.16 No.-

Housed in the National Museum of Korea, the horse requisition cloth (Deoksu 1784) was certainly a buheom, a certificate for land route travel issued to an official travelling on important missions to be provided with horses from relay stations. This is evident considering its material, shape, woven order of the Ming emperor and era name, mark of the imperial seal, serial number, shape of the horse, and patterns on the border. Written records from Korea and Ming attest that buheoms were made in Ming and issued to the Goryeo and Josean Dynasties for the convenience of travel for envoys from Korea, with this particular artifact being produced in 1390 (second year of King Gongyang, Goryeo). The first travelling certificates from Ming to Goryeo were issued in 1386 (King Wu 12), comprising eight certificates in total for land and waterway travel. These were diplomatic symbols for coincidence of interests between Goryeo’s desire to end diplomatic relations with Yuan and to begin relations with Ming as a vassal state, and Ming’s awareness towards Goryeo as a necessity for eliminating the Nahachu that remained supportive of Yuan. Those buheoms, however, were returned in 1391 upon Ming’s demand in the attempt to reform the negative effects of the buheom issuance system, and new ones were made in 1390 and issued with serial numbers beginning with different characters. The chief-envoy of every delegation carried the buheom during each mission, and the system was used for around 240 years until diplomatic relations with Ming ended in the late Joseon period. As the travel permit was a written order of the emperor, the status of the document was very high and it was treated as a valuable possession along with pyojeons, which were one kind of diplomatic documents. Due to its privileged status, deliberate crimes and carelessness against the buheoms were severely punished. Negligent discarding of a buheom was punishable by decapitation, and its loss entailed the severe punishment of 90 lashes and imprisonment for two and a half years. Indeed, there is a recorded case in which an official was stripped of his position after losing a buheom, although it was found almost immediately. It was not simply a certificate of travel guaranteeing the provision of relay horses, but rather a diplomatic symbol between the two countries. Fortunately, when a buheom was lost due to unavoidable reasons such as the sinking of a diplomatic vessel, it was reissued upon sufficient and detailed explanation to the Ming authorities, and on such occasions, Joseon extended its sincere appreciation by offering presents and a pyojeon written by the best writer at the time. Ming's buheoms, including Deoksu 1784, lost their use and status as diplomatic relations with Ming ended after the Manchu war of 1636, and were preserved in neglect at Sangseowon, the office in charge of seals and insignias. In the late 18th century, Sangseowon possessed four buheoms produced in 1390, including Deoksu 1784, and two produced in 1599. Those made in 1599 were certain to be those reissued in 1631 instead of those lost to storms in 1621 and between in 1630 -1631. However, for reasons unknown, only one of them remained by April, 1811, as confirmed by Bibyeonsa, the Border Defense Council. It is highly possible that the remaining artifact was Deoksu 1784 which was still kept poorly and moved to Gyeongbonggak where Ming's objects were stored after the proposal of jwauijeong, the second state councilor. The situation and whereabouts of the certificate after its relocation to Gyeongbonggak was unknown, but its artifact card shows that it was purchased from a Japanese antique merchant named Kondo Sagoro in 1909. It is possible it fell into the hand of the Japanese during the troubled times of the Korean Empire. Although these circumstances remain to be fully revealed in the future, Deoksu 1784 was purchased by the Korean Imperial Household Museum from Kondo before its opening and was housed there for a while, then moved to Yi Royal-Family Museum, finally entering into the possession of National Museum of Korea, having drifted through the turbulence of history to the present day. Deoksu 1784 has high historical value as it shows Goryeo's diplomatic strategy for the changes in the political circumstances of China in the late Goryeo period, and since it was used for several hundred years until the late Joseon period for dealings with Ming. Due to such historical attributes, scarcity of remaining specimens even in China, and their well-preserved state, this artifact is expected to acquire special status as a valuable cultural asset.

UHD 제작 및 송수신 시연을 위한 테스트베드 구축

서영우(Suh, Young-Woo),전성호(Jeong, Sungho),서창호(Seo, Chang-Ho) 한국방송·미디어공학회 2018 한국방송공학회 학술발표대회 논문집 Vol.2018 No.6

Biocompatible patterning of proteins on wettability gradient surface by thermo-transfer printing.

Kim, Sungho,Ryu, Yong-Sang,Suh, Jeng-Hun,Keum, Chang-Min,Sohn, Youngjoo,Lee, Sin-Doo American Scientific Publishers 2014 Journal of Nanoscience and Nanotechnology Vol.14 No.8

<P>We develop a simple and biocompatible method of patterning proteins on a wettability gradient surface by thermo-transfer printing. The wettability gradient is produced on a poly(dimethylsiloxane) (PDMS)-modified glass substrate through the temperature gradient during thermo-transfer printing. The water contact angle on the PDMS-modified surface is found to gradually increase along the direction of the temperature gradient from a low to a high temperature region. Based on the wettability gradient, the gradual change in the adsorption and immobilization of proteins (cholera toxin B subunit) is achieved in a microfluidic cell with the PDMS-modified surface.</P>

1996년도 인두편도염 환아와 정상소아에서 분리된 A군 연쇄구균의 혈청학적 분류에 관한 연구

차성호,서진태,박용호,Johnson, Dwight 대한감염학회 1998 감염 Vol.30 No.1

목 적 : 연쇄구균 감염의 발생크기와 전파정도, 감염된 여러 개체로부터 분리된 연쇄구균의 항원성의 차이 그리고 이 질환의 병원론를 이해하는데 A군 연쇄구균의 항원성 즉 세포벽을 구성하고 있는 M 및 T 단백질의 분석이 필요하다. 저자들은 같은 시기에 서로 다른 지역에서 분리된 A 군 연쇄구균의 혈청학적 타입을 시행하여 그 차이를 알아 보았다. 방 법 : 1996년 4월 동작구에 거주하는 23명의 인두편도염 환자들과 1996년 4월 23명의 정상 소아들에서 분리된 A 군 연쇄구균을 미국 미네소타대학에 있는 WHO Collaborative Center for Reference and Research on streptococci에서 Opacity factor 및 T 및 M 형의 분석을 시행하였다. 결 과 : 46개 균주중 T형의 분리는 41(89.1%), M형의 분리는 26(56.5%)이며, OF를 동반한 M형의 분리는 39(84.8%)개 균주였다. OF 양성률은 46중 24개(52.2%) 균주에서 양성을 나타냈다. 가장 흔하게 분리된 T형은 T-1, T-25, T-28, T-12, T-4순이었고, M형은 M-1, M-75, M-28, M-4, M-12 순이었다. 인두편도염 환아에서 분리된 균주의 T형 분포는 T-1, T-25, T-4, T-12가 65.2%를 차지하였고, 동대문구의 정상소아에서는 T-12, T-25가 71.5%, 강서구의 정상소아에서는 T-28, T-6, T-3이 62.6%를 차지하여 지역별로 다른 타입의 연쇄구균이 분류되었다. 결 론 : 매년 또는 매계절마다 주기적으로 A군 연쇄구균 분리 균주들의 혈청학적 분석이 세균의 동태의 파악과 역학적 연구에 중요할 것으로 사료된다. Background : To evaluate serological typing of T(epidemiologic marker) and M protein(major virulence antigen) is important to understand pathogenesis and epidemiology of streptococcal infection. The purpose of this study is to find out whether there were major difference in distribution of serotypes isolated from healthy school children and patient with pharyngotonsillitis, and to characterize the geographical differences in distribution of the serotypes. Method : Twenty-three strains of group A streptococci were isolated from healthy school children in two different areas(Dongdaemun-Ku and Kangsuh-Ku) in Seoul in April and July 1996. 23 strains came from patients living in Dongjak-Ku with pharyngotonsillitis in April 1996. All isolated were serotyped by T agglutination, M prccipitation and opacity factor at the WHO Collaborative Center for Reference and Research on streptococci, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis. Results : 89.1% of the strains were typable by T agglutination, 56.5% by M precipitation, and 52.2% were positive in opacity factor. T types 1, 25, 4 and 12 accounted for 65.2% of patients with pharyngotonsillitis, T types 12, and 25 accounted for 71.5% of healthy children in Dongdaemun-Ku, and T types 28, 6 and 3 accounted for 62.6% of healthy children in Kangsuh-Ku. T types 1, 25, 28, 12, 4 and M types 1, 75, 28, 4, 12 were typed in decreasing order. Conclusion : We characterized the differences in serotypes of group A streptocpcci between healthy children and patients. The periodic and seasonal serotyping analysis is important in monitoring and understanding of the epidemiologic patterns of group A streptococci.

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전성호(Sungho Jeon),김상훈(Sanghoon Kim),함상진(Sangjin Hahm),임중곤(Zungkon Yim),서영우(Young-Woo Suh) 한국방송·미디어공학회 2016 방송공학회논문지 Vol.21 No.4