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- 저자 : Sei-Rang Oh(오세랑) (검색결과 6 건)
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Different Dimensions of Pluractionality
Sei-Rang Oh(오세랑) 한국생성문법학회 2008 생성문법연구 Vol.18 No.1
This paper investigates the semantic properties of pluractional adverbial constructions and proposes a semantic analysis to derive the possible interpretations compositionally. Mainly discussing the hanpeney hanassik "one at a time" construction and the maypen "each time" construction, this paper argues that there are two kinds of pluractionality: structurally derived pluractionality and lexically derived pluractionality. Pointing out that a lexical approach to pluractionality can not successfully account for the possible interpretations of the hanpeney hanassik construction, Oh (2006a) proposes that the pluractional interpretations are derived from the scope interactions between D-operators and the arguments of the sentence. This paper extends this analysis and test it on the maypen construction to derive its interpretations. Although this kind of structural analysis somewhat succeeds in deriving the interpretations, it is argued based on some empirical evidence that a lexical approach which assigns the pluractional force to the lexical denotation of maypen should be chosen over a structural approach. It is shown that we can account for the property of pluractionality and derive the interpretations more efficiently by allowing two different kinds of pluractionality.
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Remarks on Topic and Binding in Fragments
Bum-Sik Park(박범식),Sei-Rang Oh(오세랑) 언어과학회 2016 언어과학연구 Vol.0 No.79
This paper investigates various binding phenomena in Korean fragments. One of the interesting facts is that the anaphor fragment is acceptable in the context where it is not properly bound in the potential underlying sources. At the same time it also exhibits a peculiar behaviour in that the anaphor fragment is unacceptable in the context where it should not be. Reviewing previous analyses and their potential extensions, we suggest that the relevant data can be accommodated by the topic- based analysis with a modification (Hong and Park 2005). We also claim that the overtness/covertness of the topic plays a crucial role in interacting with Parallelism (Fiengo and May 1994; Fox Lasnik 2003). In particular, we suggest that only the mull/covert topic is subject to Parallelism.
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Intervention Effects on Reconstruction: with Focus on NPI and –man ‘only’
Bum-Sik Park(박범식),Sei-Rang Oh(오세랑) 한국언어학회 2021 언어 Vol.46 No.2
This paper investigates the intervention effects on the reconstruction of scrambled elements in Korean. It has been often noted in the literature that in certain contexts, a scrambled element induces an intervention effect in conjunction with LF wh-movement in Korean (Beck & Kim 1997). Crucially, what is assumed here is that the scrambled element does not reconstruct, contrary to the standard assumption that scrambled elements can (optionally) reconstruct (Saito 1992). The paper aims to resolve this paradoxical situation. We show that the anti-reconstruction effect is detected only with certain focus elements (e.g. NPI, –man ‘only’ and wh -phrase). Specifically, it is shown that these focus elements may not reconstruct across another intervening focus. We also present data that exhibit a more direct intervention effect such that the relevant construction becomes unacceptable due to the inevitable conflict between reconstruction and the constraint.
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Some Restrictions on Multiple Remnants in Right Dislocation and Fragments
Bum-Sik Park(박범식),Sei-Rang Oh(오세랑) 한국언어학회 2020 언어 Vol.45 No.1
This paper investigates certain restrictions on multiple remnants in Right Dislocation (RD) and Fragments. In both constructions, multiple remnants (i.e., multiple appendices and multiple fragments, respectively) exhibit the effect of Clause-Mate Condition (CMC). In particular, when an adjunct remnant is associated with the embedded domain, it cannot appear with an additional remnant that is extracted from the matrix domain, giving rise to the CMC effect. Given the parallel patterns between RD and fragments, we put forward an ellipsis analysis. We suggest that the effect arises due to intricate interplay of ellipsis and the processing mechanism that demands that the parser choose an overt remnant over an elided NP when they compete for a potentially matching predicate (cf. Frazier and Fodor 1978; Bae and Park 2018). This accounts for why the CMC effect is absent when ellipsis does not take place.
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Notes on Reformulative Nominal Appositions in English: Toward a Hybrid Analysis
Bum-Sik Park(박범식),Philip Yoongoo Jung(정윤구),Sei-Rang Oh(오세랑) 언어과학회 2020 언어과학연구 Vol.0 No.95
This paper investigates reformulative nominal appositions in English. Recently, two competing analyses have been proposed. The coordination analysis argues that the anchor and the apposition are coordinated (Griffiths 2015a,b), whereas the ellipsis analysis argues that the apposition is generated within an independent root clause and is interpolated into the host after application of ellipsis (Ott 2016). In this paper, carefully examining the relevant arguments, we claim that each analysis needs to be adopted on independent grounds, and thus both analyses are operable in dealing with wide range of data.
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Contrastive Negation, Emphatic do and Left-Edge Ellipsis
박범식(Bum-Sik Park),정윤구(Philip Yoongoo Jung),오세랑(Sei-Rang Oh) 한국생성문법학회 2021 생성문법연구 Vol.31 No.3
In this paper, we examine contrastive negation of verbal elements in English (e.g. Mary should not praise but denounce John.). As noted by McCawley (1998), when the auxiliary do substitutes for the modal in this example, the verb in the second conjunct must be tense-inflected. However, we observe that with emphatic do, the verb can be in its base form. We argue that the contrast arises because emphatic do (but not non-emphatic do) allows coordination of verbal element. We also argue that the contracted negator n’t invariably functions as sentential negation and thus requires tense-inflection on the verb in the second conjunct (e.g. Mary didn’t praise but denounced John.). In contrast, the uncontracted negator not can function as either constituent or sentential negation, giving rise to structural ambiguity. We further contend that the identical form surfaces through the process of Left-Edge Ellipsis.
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