RISS 학술연구정보서비스

검색
다국어 입력

http://chineseinput.net/에서 pinyin(병음)방식으로 중국어를 변환할 수 있습니다.

변환된 중국어를 복사하여 사용하시면 됩니다.

예시)
  • 中文 을 입력하시려면 zhongwen을 입력하시고 space를누르시면됩니다.
  • 北京 을 입력하시려면 beijing을 입력하시고 space를 누르시면 됩니다.
닫기
    인기검색어 순위 펼치기

    RISS 인기검색어

      검색결과 좁혀 보기

      선택해제
      • 좁혀본 항목 보기순서

        • 원문유무
        • 원문제공처
          펼치기
        • 등재정보
          펼치기
        • 학술지명
          펼치기
        • 주제분류
          펼치기
        • 발행연도
          펼치기
        • 작성언어
        • 저자
          펼치기

      오늘 본 자료

      • 오늘 본 자료가 없습니다.
      더보기
      • 무료
      • 기관 내 무료
      • 유료
      • KCI등재후보

        Why Does Australia Perceive China as a THREAT?: A Constructivist Point of View

        JungIl Kang,Yooshin Im J-INSTITUTE 2021 International Journal of Terrorism & National Secu Vol.6 No.2

        Purpose: As the competition for supremacy between the United States and China intensifies, the strategic instability of neighboring countries is gradually increasing, and the Cold War era s new competition structure, which requires the choice of one of two options: the United States and China, is being recreated. In this situation, Australia is the most active country in the US containment policy toward China, expressing concerns about the rise of China without filtering. This study attempts to examine the reasons why Australia, which is located at a distance from China and has high economic interdependence, is recognizing China as a threat and actively participating in the US-led containment policy of China . Method: In this study, we will look at Australia s policy toward China from the perspective of Constructivism in order to find out the factors that form Australia s perception of threats to China. First of all, the framework of the analysis was formed through basic discussions on Constructivism, looking at the conflict between Australia and China, and focusing on the results of the survey that analyzed Australian people s identity and historical perspective and perception of China by looking at the culture and perception formed in Australia, I want to achieve my research purpose. Results: The United States and Australia are independent countries from the United Kingdom and share a racial, religious and cultural base. The United States and Australia, which have been working together to resolve important international conflicts and wars since World War I, maintain a solid alliance system based on ANSUS. Moreover, after the COVID-19 incident, the spread of hatred toward the Chinese in Australia, the expansion of China s influence, and the issue of the South China Sea are rising, increasing awareness that the national interests of the United States and Australia are infringed. Australia, which shares its perception and identity of China from a constructivist point of view with the United States, will continue to actively cooperate with the United States containment policy toward China and strengthen cooperation with Western countries centered on the United States. Conclusion: Although Australia is located in Asia, Australian identity, culture and historical values are closer to the Western world. As a member of the Commonwealth, Australia maintains partnerships in various fields, including politics, economic security and academia, along with the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada and New Zealand, which are expected to continue in the future. Australia, which has a Western identity, will strengthen cooperation with the Quad Council for stability and protection of national interests in the Indo-Pacific region and strengthen checks against China. Australia s foreign policy can be assessed as being influenced by the national identity of the United States, which shares threats to China, and strengthens cooperation with security alliances such as the United States and the United Kingdom, which share traditional values and culture, to check China. I will do it.

      • KCI등재후보

        Competition for TECHNOLOGY HEGEMONY between the U.S. and China from a Geopolitical Point of View

        JungIl Kang,임유신 J-INSTITUTE 2021 International Journal of Military Affairs Vol.6 No.1

        Purpose: The hegemony competition between the United States and China is one of the most crucial topics of world politics in the 21st century. As China's innovation in science, technology, and high-tech industries grow rapidly, the United States is enacting restrictions to regulate this critical situation. This paper searched for the motives for their political actions, the primary differences between the U.S.-China competition for technological hegemony, and their national policies. Method: This paper examined the differences in U.S.-China national policies through geopolitics. The useful-ness of geopolitics, the characteristics of continental and maritime countries, and the Huawei incident which clearly indicates the cross-section of the U.S.-China technological competition, these factors were analyzed to find the answer to the research question. Results: The contrast in technology competition and technology policies between the U.S. and China can be summarized as a difference in culture and perception. The difference comes from China's 'Confucian and family like discussion' and America's 'individualistic, bottom-up, and democratic' lifestyle. In addition, the Huawei issue is a conflict of economic ideology between the United States and China with regards to the relationship between business and state. Conclusion: The difference in policy between the U.S. and China can be defined as a difference in basic culture and perception. Therefore if the main reason that the United States suspects Huawei comes from the aforementioned fundamental differences in national thought, this could not only be a problem that is difficult to solve, but also a starting point of a dispute that could continue to be a problem in the future.

      • Trifluoperazine, a Well-Known Antipsychotic, Inhibits Glioblastoma Invasion by Binding to Calmodulin and Disinhibiting Calcium Release Channel IP<sub>3</sub>R

        Kang, Seokmin,Hong, Jinpyo,Lee, Jung Moo,Moon, Hyo Eun,Jeon, Borami,Choi, Jungil,Yoon, Nal Ae,Paek, Sun Ha,Roh, Eun Joo,Lee, C. Justin,Kang, Sang Soo American Association for Cancer Research 2017 Molecular cancer therapeutics Vol.16 No.1

        <P>Calcium (Ca2+) signaling is an important signaling process, implicated in cancer cell proliferation and motility of the deadly glioblastomas that aggressively invade neighboring brain tissue. We have previously demonstrated that caffeine blocks glioblastoma invasion and extends survival by inhibiting Ca2+ release channel inositol 1,4,5-trisphosphate receptor (IP3R) subtype 3. Trifluoperazine (TFP) is an FDA-approved antipsychotic drug for schizophrenia. Interestingly, TFP has been recently reported to show a strong anticancer effect on lung cancer, hepatocellular carcinoma, and T-cell lymphoma. However, the possible anticancer effect of TFP on glioblastoma has not been tested. Here, we report that TFP potently suppresses proliferation, motility, and invasion of glioblas-toma cells in vitro, and tumor growth in in vivo xenograft mouse model. Unlike caffeine, TFP triggers massive and irreversible release of Ca2+ from intracellular stores by IP3R subtype 1 and 2 by directly interacting at the TFP-binding site of a Ca2+-binding protein, calmodulin subtype 2 (CaM2). TFP binding to CaM2 causes a dissociation of CaM2 from IP3R and subsequent opening of IP3R. Compared with the control neural stem cells, various glioblastoma cell lines showed enhanced expression of CaM2 and thus enhanced sensitivity to TFP. On the basis of these findings, we propose TFP as a potential therapeutic drug for glioblastoma by aberrantly and irreversibly increasing Ca2+ in glioblastoma cells. (C) 2016 AACR.</P>

      • KCI등재

        러시아의 대(對)한반도정책과 함의: 지정학적 안보 환경과 수단

        강정일 ( Kang Jungill ) 한국국가전략연구원 2021 한국국가전략 Vol.6 No.1

        본 논문은 ‘러시아가 한반도에 가졌던 근원적 인식과 정책적 방향은 무엇이었으며, 어떠한 동인에 의해 러시아의 정책이 변화하였는가’를 중심으로 러시아의 對한반도정책을 분석한다. 이를 위해 한반도와 처음으로 관계를 형성하였던 제정 러시아 시기로 회귀하여, 지정학적 시각으로 제정 러시아의 對한반도정책을 살펴보고, 정책변화의 동인을 지정학적 안보환경과 수단으로 구분하여 분석하였다. 현재의 러시아가 19세기와 같이 한반도에 대해 지정학적 팽창정책을 적용하기 위해서는 유럽을 포함한 대외 안보 환경의 안정화, 한반도에 대한 중국의 영향력 감소, 남·북한의 親러시아 정책 등 지정학적 안보 환경이 조성되고, 지정학적 수단인 철도와 부동항을 포함한 교통수단과 에너지 인프라구축 등이 구비되어야만 가능할 것이다. 러시아의 對한반도정책은 지정학적 안보 환경과 수단이 구비된 이후에야 현재의 관망정책에서 벗어나 팽창정책으로 전환될 수 있을 것이다. This paper analyses Russia's policy on the Korean Peninsula centering on ‘the fundamental perception and policy direction Russia had on the Korean Peninsula, and the variables and motives that changed their policies.’ To this end, to referring back to the times of the Imperial Russia, which first established relations with the Korean Peninsula, and examined the application process of foreign policy mainly on the Korean Peninsula pursued by the Imperial Russia, by dividing into wait-and-see policy and an expansionary policy. Based on this, Russia’s political variables and motives that may have effect on the Korean Peninsula were separately derived into external environment and means. Russia applied an expansionary policy to the Korean Peninsula for territorial control, while the Trans-Siberian Railway and the Ice-free Harbor were used as means of military projection for influence or control over the area but failed with an implementation of expansionary policy with incomplete means. Current Russia is keeping a quiet but dreadful eye on the Korean Peninsula, while emphasizing its role as a ‘Balancer’ of the Peninsula’s security issue. But if the external security environment, including that of Europe stabilizes, and when conditions for the current geopolitical means such as energy infrastructure and transportation improve, while the neighbouring countries on the Korean Peninsula including China become weak in security, Russia will then abandon its current wait-and-see policy and shift to an expansionary policy.

      • KCI등재

        러시아의 對NATO 군사관계와 변화요인

        강정일(Jungil Kang) 육군사관학교 화랑대연구소 2012 한국군사학논집 Vol.68 No.1

        Historically, Russia's attitude has been double-faced toward Europe. This Russia's attitude has an effect on military relations toward NATO. Russia has not admitted NATO but Russia has tried to find out cooperation with NATO. Russia has maintained current interest of military relations toward NATO. From now on, Russia will maintain double-faced attitude toward NATO for Russia's interest. In this research, we will prospect the future relations between Russia and NATO by finding out how Russia and NATO make their military relations after Soviet's collapse and the main factor of the Russia's changing positions.

      • INCLUSIVE PRODUCTION OF FOUR CHARM HADRONS AT B-FACTORIES

        Kang, Daekyoung,Lee, Jungil World Scientific 2006 International journal of modern physics. A, Partic Vol.21 No.4

        <P> Measurements by the Belle Collaboration of the exclusive J/ψ + ηc and inclusive [Formula: see text] productions in e<SUP>+</SUP>e<SUP>-</SUP> annihilation differ substantially from theoretical predictions based on the nonrelativistic QCD factorization approach. In order to test if such a discrepancy is originated from the large perturbative corrections to the hard-scattering amplitude, we study inclusive production of four charm hadrons in e<SUP>+</SUP>e<SUP>-</SUP> annihilation at B factories. </P>

      • SCISCIESCOPUS

        Dibenzoylmethane, a Component of Licorice, Suppresses Monocyte-to-Macrophage Differentiation and Inflammatory Responses in Human Monocytes and Mouse Macrophages

        Kang, Bobin,Kim, Joo Hyoun,Kim, Chae Young,Hong, Jungil,Choi, Hyeon-Son Pharmaceutical Society of Japan 2018 Biological & pharmaceutical bulletin Vol.41 No.8

        <P>The objective of this study was to investigate the effect of dibenzoylmethane (DBM) on monocyte-to-macrophage differentiation, the inflammatory response, and the resulting signaling in human monocytes and murine macrophage. DBM effectively inhibited the monocyte-to-macrophage differentiation induced by phorbol 12-myristate 13-acetate (PMA) through a reduction in adhesion of THP-1 cells. Cluster of differentiation molecule beta (CD11 beta) and CD36, which are surface markers of macrophage differentiation, were downregulated by 80 and 74%, respectively. DBM also significantly inhibited lipopolysaccharide (LPS)-induced nitrite (NO) production through the downregulation of inducible oxide synthase (iNOS) in RAW264.7 cells. The abundance of cyclooxygenase-2 (COX-2), a pro-inflammatory protein, was also effectively decreased by DBM in a dose-dependent manner. DBM (50 mu m) reduced the levels of COX-2 and iNOS by 81 and 78%, respectively. DBM significantly inhibited the translocation of nuclear factor kappa-light-chain-enhancer of activated B cells (NF-kappa B), an inflammatory transcription factor, into the nucleus. DBM-mediated increase of NF-kappa B translocation resulted from the DBM-induced suppression of the phosphorylation of nuclear factor of kappa light polypeptide gene enhancer in B-cells inhibitor, alpha (I kappa B alpha). In contrast, DBM effectively increased the expression of nuclear factor E2-related factor 2 (Nrf2) and its target protein, hemeoxygenase-1 (HO-1). Nrf2 translocation into the nucleus was also significantly enhanced by DBM. Furthermore, DBM effectively inhibited the expression of pro-inflammatory cytokines such as tumor necrosis factor alpha (TNF-alpha), interleukin-1 beta (IL-1 beta), IL-6, and monocyte chemoattractant protein-1 (MCP-1). These results indicated that the DBM-mediated differential regulation of NF-kappa B and Nrf2, which are major transcription factors involved in inflammation, inhibited the expression of inflammatory cytokines.</P>

      연관 검색어 추천

      이 검색어로 많이 본 자료

      활용도 높은 자료

      해외이동버튼