李始榮의 『感時漫語』 硏究

정욱재(Jung, Uk-jae) 한국사학사학회 2001 韓國史學史學報 Vol.0 No.4

『Kamsimanuh: The essay to discuss historical events』(感時漫語) is a book of historical review, which was written by Lee-si young(李始榮) who was one of leading persons in provisional government of Korea and the first vice president of Republic of Korea. Written in classical chinese letters, This book was published in 1934. seventies pages, twenty-three chapter, and came out in Shanghai, china, 『Kamsimanuh』 is not written on a definite standard. the first motivation to publication of this book is to refute 『Chosun』(朝鮮) which was written by Huang-yan pei(黃炎培), one of famous pedagogists in modern China. Came out in 1929, 『Chosun』 was not only for the purpose of bringing chinese people to an awareness of the realities of international situations, but based on the feeling of crisis that china would be ‘the second Korea' Based on materials of Japanese scholars and the Japanese government general in Korea, Huang-yan pei could`t help distort the history of Korea and the realities of Korean people in 『Chosun』. Because of such a reason, Lee-si young wrote 『Kamsimanuh』 to criticize 『Chosun』 Despite of smaller quantity, 『Kamsimanuh』 shows various historical facts related to the period from Ancient times to Modern times in Korea and Lee-Si young's comments on them. Lee-si young contradicted Huang-yan pei whose work, 『Choson』, had distorted Korean history. So, Lee-Si young emphasized the originality and the subjecthood of Korean history as well as the Korean quality. But this hadn't a single purpose of this essay. In Chapter 20 ‘a China's instruction', Lee-Si young said that both China and Korea were being suffered from Japan, and Korea had already lost the sovereignty, thus China needed to establish the co-anti-Japan battle line with Korea. In 『Kamsimanuh』, several works written by Kim-Gyo hun(金敎獻) were cited. Lee-Si young especially often referred to Kim Gyo-hun's works in historical section of ancient Korea. This means that he strongly got influenced from the historical cognition of (大倧敎: a Korean typical religion which originated from the religion named Dong-Hak). So 『Kamsimanuh』 has several important meanings as follows. ① This book is a historical work which put the basis on the historical cognition of and was published in China. It's more meaningful that this is a first one which contradicted chinese works related Korea history in the eyes of Korean ② 『Kamsimanuh』 was written by Lee-Si young, a important official of the Provisional Government of Korea. Only Lee-si young, right-nationalists who led the Provisional Government, wrote a historical work. So we can confirm the historical cognition of right-nationalist leaders through this book. ③ This book extends the limit of nationalist history more widely.

CFD-DEM 연동 기법을 이용한 폭발 압력에 따른 함정용 채프운의 분포 특성 분석

정욱진(Uk Jin Jung),손동우(Dongwoo Sohn),김문홍(Munhong Kim) 대한기계학회 2022 대한기계학회 춘추학술대회 Vol.2022 No.11

性齋 許傳의 경세론

정욱재(Jung, Uk-Jae) 한국인물사연구회 2013 한국인물사연구 Vol.19 No.-

This article analyzed Heo Jeon’s Theory of Governance or Kyung-se-ron(經世論). The theory is the result of arduous study by Heojeon, a 66-year-old master Confucian, who acknowledged paradox of 19th century Korean society and tried to resolve it. The theory reflected both historical reality of the era and the scholar’s status. As a member of Seongho Hakpa(星湖學派), he also tried to understand and resolve social problems following Confucian value system. The ideal country the scholar dreamt of was, after all, the country of virtue where the noble scholars, or Sajok(士族) ruled the country based on agriculture-based economy. He thought the ideal common people of such country should work hard on the field and gingerly respect the reign led by ideal noble scholars, who should participate in the politics and lead the people to the virtuous way. Therefore in his theory, education of the noble scholars was always emphasized. He also criticized the reality that talented scholars get no job in the government, but his scholars were the noble ones. However, the theory did not ignore common people. The fact that he chose ‘To Select the Right Official’ as the first item of his theory, reflects his analysis that Yimsool Minran was caused by greedy officials steal from the common people. He therefore emphasized the importance of ‘Selecting the right Officials’ and ‘Letting the Commoners Speak’ through official channels. He also emphasized the regulation of monetary circulation, for he thought that both personal ownership for the fields and paying tax with money impoverish the people. In conclusion, Heojeon, as devoted Confucian scholar, couldn’t think of other options than noble scholars as politicians, Confucianism as chief philosophy, and agriculture as the center of economy. In his mind, an ideal country should be agriculture-centered, and distribution of wealth should be based on the agriculture. That is why he lectured King Chuljong of ‘the essence of study’ and strengthening education for noble scholars.

황윤석의 義盈庫 仕宦期 의영고의 위상 ―『頤齋亂藁』를 중심으로―

정욱재 ( Jung Uk-jae ) 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2023 民族文化硏究 Vol.98 No.-

이 글은 황윤석의 『이재난고』를 통해 18세기 의영고의 위상과 다양한 모습을 살펴보았다. 의영고는 고려후기에 명칭이 등장한 관청으로 조선시대에 들어와 왕실공상에 참여하는 공상아문의 하나로 호조의 종5품아문에 속하였다. 임진왜란 이후 의영고의 위상은 낮아져서 主簿가 주재관이 된 종6품아문이 되었고, 1882년에 혁파될 때까지 종5품아문으로 회복되지 못하였다. 『이재난고』를 통해 본 의영고는 관찬자료에서 쉽게 찾아볼 수 없는 현실적인 모습을 드러내고 있었다. 의영고의 세 관원, 즉 주부는 國忌日에 素膳을, 직장은 대궐 안에서 龍枝와 기름(油)을, 봉사는 黃燭을 각각 진배하는 것을 주관하는 등 각자의 업무가 원칙적으로 각각 달랐다. 그러나 황윤석이 근무하던 당시에는 업무 분장에 상관없이 해당일에 입번하는 사람이 의영고의 직무를 처리하고 그 책임도 입번자가 담당하는 관습이 생겼다. 공상물자를 마련하는 방식도 공안에 기재된 토산 현물을 지방에서 수취하거나, 아문에 속한 장인을 통해 물품을 직접 제작하여 궐내에 진배하던 조선전기와 다르게 18세기 의영고는 공인을 통해 소요 물품을 납품받는 형태로 전환된 모습을 보였다. 공물아문에서 담당하던 공물 관리와 조달의 업무가 공인에게 전가되면서 의영고에 비축된 공물은 없고 장부만 관리하면 되는 당대의 상황은 조선전기에 없던 장무서원을 출현하게 만들었다. 즉 현물관리가 아닌 장부 관리가 주요한 업무가 되었기 때문에 장부관리와 문서 행정을 위한 전문적인 사람이 더욱 필요한 것이다. 17세기 전반기까지 등장하지 않았던 掌務書員이 1768년 7월부터 1769년 6월까지 황윤석이 근무한 의영고에 마치 정식 직원처럼 등장하게 된 것은 이런 시대적 변화를 반영한 것이었다. 19세기에 편찬된 「육전조례」에 장무서원이 의영고 소속 서리로 공식 기재된 것은 이런 당대의 현실을 반영한 것에 불과하였다. 『이재난고』는 관찬자료에서 미처 포착할 수 없는 시대적 변화의 단면을 수록하여 조선후기 역사상을 현장감 있게 파악할 수 있는 단서를 준다. This article reviews the status and various aspects of the Euiyeonggo (義盈庫) in 18th century as cited in the Yijaenango (頤齋亂藁) by Hwang Yun-seok. The name of Euiyeonggo, the Royal Procurement Office and Hwang's first office in Hanyang, was first seen in the articles of late Goryo period. The Euiyeonggo was then designated as a branch of the Ministry of Taxation (Hojo; 戶曹), Amun in the 5th Jong rank, led by officials of Ryeong (令) rank, to manage oil, honey, yellow beeswax, vegetables (素膳), and peppers, etc. However, after the Imjin Invasion, the status of Euiyeonggo was demoted to the 6th Jong rank led by lower officials in the rank of Jubu (主簿) instead of Ryeong, and never recovers its former status until the reform in 1882 (19th year by the reign of King Gojong). Thus the Euiyeonggo as described in the Yijaenango shows more realistic aspect of the era never seen in the official documents. First of all, the Yijaenango shows that the 3 ranks of Jubu, Jikjang (直長), Bongsa (奉事) managed different tasks. The official documents dictate that the Jubu manage delivery of vegetables for Royal Memorial Day services, the Jikjang managed delivery of Yongji (龍枝) and oil in the palace, and the Bongsa delivered yellow beeswax candles (黃燭). However, according to Hwang, the officials on duty took charge of the entire duties of the Euiyeonggo, regardless of their ranks and designated duties. The procurement of supplies by the Euiyeonggo also changed. In the early Joseon period, the Gongsangamun, or the Ministry of Royal Procurement, received local supplies in the official documents, or allocated products by royal artisans in the palace. However in 18th century, with no royal artisans in the Amun, the Euiyeonggo received its supplies from local and private artisans and traders. As its function of production and procurement was ascribed to local artisans and traders, the Euiyeonggo had to hire its own Jangmuseowon (掌務書員), or the Royal Accountant, for more professional management of it accountants and documentations. The fact that the Royal Accountant appeared during Hwang's tenure in the office from July 1768 to June 1769, is a reflection of such changes. In other words, the designation of Jangmuseowon officials as official members of the Euiyeonggo, is only the reflection of such trends in 19th century Joseon, and the Yijaenango, a personal accounts, gives more detailed clues on the reality of the late Joseon than official documents of the era.

金時讓의 생애와 역사의식

정욱재(Jung, Uk-Jae) 한국인물사연구회 2016 한국인물사연구 Vol.26 No.-

This article reviewed the life of Kim Si-Yang (金時讓), and his historical consciousness by analyzing his writings, namely, the Baegyegimun (涪溪紀聞), the Jahaepildam (紫海筆談), and the Hadampasuklok (荷潭破寂錄), etc. Kim was a Confucian scholar who lived throughout the late 16th century and mid-17th century, enduring the time of hardship. In 1612 (4th year by the reign of King Gwanghae), he was exiled to Jongseong, Hamgyeong-do, for posing a ’tabooed question’ for an official examination. In 1618, after 7 years of exile in Jongseong, Kim was relocated to Yeonghae, Gyeongsangbuk-do, before being released from the exile in 1623 due to the Restoration by King Injo. For the 12 years of poor and miserable exile, he devoted himself to researches, enhancing his knowledge and view on the Korean history. In other words, it was the time of the exile that offered Kim a chance to crystallize his thoughts and experiences to write the three books that gained much praise by his successors. Kim viewed the reality of his era, as well as the contemporary Confucian scholars, with differentiated view and criticism. He lamented on the reality where the descendents of the unjust thrive and the descendents of the righteous declined, and emphasized that the reason behind the paradox are lack of historical consciousness and unjust publication of Korean history. In particular, Kim stressed that the Confucian scholars of Joseon lacked education on the history of Joseon, and rather, propagated incorrect historical knowledge. In his point of view, the history education of Joseon didn’t serve its function as mirror of politics and ethics, and he wrote the books in order to correct the errors. Kim may have lived a bitter personal life during the time of national hardship, but he tried his best to keep his criticism on the era and serve his responsibility in the Korean history.

CFD-DEM 연동 기법을 이용한 채프 구름의 시공간 분포 모델링

정욱진(Uk Jin Jung),손동우(Dongwoo Sohn) 대한기계학회 2021 대한기계학회 춘추학술대회 Vol.2021 No.11

대한제국기 유림의 ‘국가’ 인식

정욱재(Jung, Uk-jae) 호서사학회 2018 역사와 담론 Vol.0 No.86

본고는 성리학적 가치체계를 깊이 내면화 하던 유림이 ‘근대’라는 전혀 다른 세계관을 만나면서 기존의 세계관에 어떤 변화가 일어나는지, ‘국가’에 관한 그들의 논의를 통해서 국가와 군주에 관한 인식의 변화를 試論적으로 살핀 연구이다. 성리학적 가치체계 속에서 살아온 유림에게 근대 문물로 표상되는 서양이란 타자는 그동안 망각하였던 자신의 모습을 근본적으로 성찰하게 하는 계기를 주었다. ‘忠’과 ‘孝’로 수렴되는 성리학적 가치체계 속에서 자명한 이치로 생각하던 군주의 존재와 백성의 관계, 국가의 존재 의미 등에 대해 예전에는 나올 수 없었던 생각을 담은 논의들이 유림 사이에서 출현하기 시작하였다. 특히 이런 모습은 우리 역사의 격변기 중의 하나였던 대한제국기에서 더욱 두드러지게 나타났다. 한말 유림은 개개인에 따라 편차가 있으나, 서양 근대 문물의 수용정도와 성리학 옹호의 강도에 따라 크게 보수유림과 개신유림으로 분화되었다. 보수유림은 기존의 성리학적 가치체계를 고수하는 길을 선택하였으며, 개신유림은 핵심적인 성리학적 가치체계를 부정하지 않지만 당면한 위기를 타개하기 위하여 서구 근대 문물의 도입은 時務라고 인식하였다. 개신유림 사이에서 국가와 군주, 백성의 존재, 의미등에 대해 성찰하기 시작하였고, 특히 국가의 政體에 관한 논의가 나타났다. 국가와 군주를 분리하여 국가에 대한 ‘충’과 군주에 대한 ‘충’을 구분하였다. 그럼에도 불구하고 서구 문물의 수용을 적극적으로 주장한 개신유림도 성리학적 가치체계를 긍정하고 있기 때문에 전통적인 ‘忠君愛國’의 의식을 완전히 벗어나기 어려웠다. 성리학적 가치체계와 근대 문물의 수용의 접점을 모색하는 과정에서 그들은 관심을 갖고 선택할 수 있는 정체는 입헌군주제였다. 즉, 전통적인 군주의 존재를 인정하면서 서구 근대 문물을 수용할 수 있는 여지의 정체로서 그들은 입헌군주제에 주목한 것이다. 그런데 당시 시대적 한계 때문인지 그들의 입헌군주제에 대한 논의는 권력구조의 개편이나 의회의 역할, 민의 권리 등의 문제에 대해서 깊이 있게 들어가지 못하였다. 국가의 3대 요소를 설명하면서 ‘國民’이란 용어 대신 ‘臣民’이란 용어를 사용하는 데에도 그들의 국가 인식은 여전히 전통적인 관념의 영향을 강하게 받고 있었다. 따라서 19세기 민의 정치의식 성장하고 있음에도 불구하고 민의 존재, 정치적 권리 등에 대한 논의가 불충분한 것도 그런 이유일 것이다. This study aims to review changes in recognition of nation and monarch by the Yurim with internalized Neo-Confucian value system, as they encounter the concept of ‘modernity’, through their discussion on the concept of ‘nation.’ Modern western culture was introduced to Korea since mid-19th century, and shook the very foundation of Joseon. For the Yurim who lived in the Neo-Confucian value system, the other called the ‘West’ and its modern culture provided a momentum to reflect the true self of the Yurim, and the Yurim began to discuss the very concept of the monarch, its relationship with the people, and the existence of nation, that used to be regarded as ‘clear and natural’ in the Neo-Confucian value system. With the establishment of the Daehan Empire, one of the most turbulent times of the Korean History, such discussion became most dynamic. The Yurim of the late Joseon can be largely categorized as two groups, namely, the ‘Conservatives’ and the ‘Reformists.’ While the Conservatives adhered to the old Neo-Confucian value system, the Reformists viewed the introduction of modern Western culture as ‘timely duty’ to solve the imminent threats, although they didn"t deny the old value system. In this context, the Reformists began to reflect the old concept of the nation and its people, especially the political system of a nation. They separated the monarch from the nation, differentiating the fidelity to the nation from the fidelity to the monarch. But the Reformists still kept the traditional view of ‘Fidelity for the Monarch, Love for the Country(忠君愛國)’, as they still embraced the old value system of Neo Confucism. Therefore it was natural for Reformists to choose constitutional monarchy, as they sought the common value of Neo-Confucianism and modern Western culture, to recognize the existence of traditional monarch, while introducing the modern Western Culture. However, their discussion on constitutional monarch couldn`t advance any further due to limitations of the time. As the term ‘sinmin(臣民)’, or the subjects, reflect, the Reformists were largely influenced the old concepts and values. This is why there are insufficient discussion on existence of people and their political rights, despite the growing political awareness of people in 19th century.

채프 구름 동특성 해석을 위한 CFD-DEM 연동 모델 구축

정욱진(Uk Jin Jung),손동우(Dongwoo Sohn) 대한기계학회 2021 대한기계학회 춘추학술대회 Vol.2021 No.8

1920년대 식민지 조선 유림과 일본의 탕도성당(湯島聖堂)

정욱재 ( Uk Jae Jung ) 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2016 民族文化硏究 Vol.71 No.-

에도막부 때 釋奠祭와 막부의 인재 교육을 담당했던 湯島聖堂은 19세기 말엽까지도 조선 유림에게 알려지지 않은 생소한 장소였다. 메이지 유신으로 왕정복고를 단행한 일본은 서구 근대화 정책을 펼치면서 湯島聖堂의 기능를 폐지했다. 이런 湯島聖堂을 재발견한 집단이 바로 斯文會였다. 사문회는 경학원의 관계를 통하여 식민지 조선 유림과 교류를 하였으며, 이로 인해 식민지 조선에 서서히 湯島聖堂이 알려지게 되었다. 이 장소가 식민지 조선 유림에게 구체적으로 알려지게 된 계기는 1914년 湯島聖堂을 방문했던 경학원의 일제협력유림의 기록에서 비롯되었다. 1920년대에 들어오면 식민지 조선 유림은 湯島聖堂을 본격적으로 참배하기 시작하였다. 특히 1922년에 식민지 조선 유림의 湯島聖堂 방문이 절정에 이르렀다. 1922년은 바로 공자가 사망한 지 2400주년이 되던 시기였다. 1922년 10월29일 일본의 사문회가 주관하여 湯島聖堂에서 ‘孔子二千四百年追遠記念祭’를 개최하였으며, 경학원의 일제협력유림을 비롯한 식민지 조선 유림도 참여하였다. 이 행사를 기점으로 일제협력유림을 비롯하여 식민지 조선 유림은 湯島聖堂을 새로운 유교의 성지이자 일본의 발전을 상징하는 장소로 분명하게 인식하였다. 특히 일본이 유교를 숭봉한다는 것을 잘 알지 못했던 조선의 지방 유림은 湯島聖堂과 그 공간에서 열리는 행사를 보면서 일본이 근대화에 성공한 국가일 뿐만 아니라 유교도 발전한 나라로 인식되었다. 또한 湯島聖堂은 일제협력유림에게 자신의 친일 행위를 합리화하는 좋은 수단으로 기능하였다. Yushima Seido Shrine (湯島聖堂), the center of education and the Seokjeonje (釋奠 祭) ceremony by the Shogunate, was an unfamiliar place to the Confucian scholars in Joseon until the end of the 19th century. The Shrine was temporarily closed after the Meiji Restoration and its subsequent European Modernization plans, but was later rediscovered by the Samunhoe, the group of enlightened Japanese intellectuals who tried to establish ‘modernized Confucianism’ for the new modern country. In this regard, the group took interest in the old Shrine and revived the ceremony of Seokjeonje once ceased by the Meiji government. The Confucian scholars in Joseon recognized the existence of Yushima Seido Shrine from cultural exchanges with the Samunhoe through the Gyeonghakwon. More specifically, pro-Japanese Confucian scholars of Gyeonghakwon recorded their visits to the Shrine in 1914, which induced official visits to the Shrine by the general Confucian scholars in Joseon. The number of visits by the Confucian scholars reached its peak in 1922, the 2400th anniversary of the death of Confucius. On October 29, 1922, the Samunhoe held ‘Memorial Rite for Confucius after 2400 years of the Death of the Master (孔子二千四百年追遠記念祭)’ at the Yushima Seido Shrine, and pro-Japanese Confucian scholars of Gyeonghakwon participated in the Rite, along with other Confucian scholars from the colonized Joseon. After the Rite, the Yushima Seido marked itself as the new ‘holy place’ of the ‘new Confucianism’ and symbol of progress of Japan. Especially for the local Confucian scholars in Joseon who didn’t know that Japan also respected the same philosophy as they did, the event made an impression that Japan is not only a modernized country, but also a country with modernized and advanced Confucianism, which became a good excuse for pro-Japanese Confucian scholars on their treacherous actions.

한말 유림의 공사(公私) 인식

정욱재(Jung, Uk-jae) 한국역사연구회 2014 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.93

Analyzed here is how the Confucian scholars viewed and understood the concepts of “the Public” and “the Private”(公私), during the latter half period of Joseon through the concept of ‘Public Virtue(“Gongdeok, 公德”).’ The concept of this “Public Virtue” first appeared in Korean history seemingly thanks to the Chinese Confucian philosopher Liang Chi-Chao(梁啓超). Public Virtue, according to Liang, was a kind of shared virtue among citizens, needed for establishing a state, and a concept that symbolized the system of act and awareness beneficial for the groups, societies and state. Later, the Renewed Confucians like Park Eun-sik and Jang Ji-yeon actively adopted and circulated Liang’s ideology and publications, spreading the terminology of ‘Public Virtue.’ Renewed Confucians understood the concept of Public Virtue as ideas and acts that would benefit the group, societies and state, instead of individuals. Yet they also added their political and social ideals to that original concept of Public Virtue. Some of the Renewed Confucians perceived the concept of Public Virtue through the traditional Confucian concept system, viewing the ‘Virtue’ as vital order for the modern state and societies’ benefaction and progresses. In the meantime, a small group of Renewed Confucians who turned Pro-Japanese understood the Virtue just as public order or manners that people should follow. The meaning of Public Virtue was understood quite differently, according to stances. In short, in the early 20th century, the concept of Public Virtue symbolized an idealistic system for acts and awareness that would benefact the public area, such as state, ethnicity and societies, and was regarded as an essential component for the progress of state, ethnicity, societies and groups. For the Renewed Confucians, Public Virtue was not only the diagnostic criteria for the past and present, but also an essential quality the civilians must demonstrate in various public areas. Therefore, in an analysis of the concept of “the Public and the Private(公私),” it can be concluded that the terminology ‘Public Virtue’ is a Confucian expression of modern ‘Public(公)’ that came from the Confucian scholars of Chosun.