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- 저자 : Gwangrak (검색결과 34 건)
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The Nonstandard FNQs and the Distinctness Condition
Gwangrak Son 한국중원언어학회 2017 언어학연구 Vol.0 No.44
Son’s (2015a, and seq.) Distinctness principle of Copies presents a powerful tool for the asymmetry of scrambling found in FNQ (Floating Numeral Quantifier) constructions in Korean and Japanese. In this paper, I argue that the principle has an extended ability to account for the so-called, “nonstandard paradigm of subject FNQs” (Miyagawa and Arikawa, 2007) and further for a phenomenon similar to this found in unergative FNQ constructions. I show that in the nonstandard cases as such the subject NP undergoes scrambling through A’-movement (rather than A-movement), to the effect that it leaves a copy in tail of a chain link. The visible copy then helps its string-adjacent NQ interpretable at LF. This analysis has a direct impact on thus far mysterious phenomenon of “no A-movement copy” discussed in Chomsky (1995) and Lasnik (1999). Only an A’-chain, but not an A-chain, can leave an LF copy because the Distinctness principle permits onlyone copy of the same expression in the Spell-out domain of Chomsky (2000, 2001).
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Remarks on Ban on Quantifier-Adjunction in θ-positions in Korean and Japanese
Gwangrak Son 한국중원언어학회 2020 언어학연구 Vol.0 No.57
The aim of this paper is to present that quantifiers in Korean and Japanese cannot be floated in θ-positions, in compliance with Bošković’s seminal observation in 2004 based on multiple languages. The so-called “standard” and “nonstandard” paradigms (Miyagawa and Arikawa, 2007), involving floating quantifiers created by subject movement, will be specifically examined. The result will be that only the former but not the latter paradigm has the floating quantifiers in θ-positions, proving the validity of the given constraint. I further show that the nonstandard paradigms, unlike their corresponding standard ones, are associated with topic movement, and have the effect on making a room for the subject to move to and merge with a Q in the non-θ-positions, confirming the constraint in question. This analysis will be shown to have important theoretical consequences, desirably furnishing a simple and natural account for vexing problems that otherwise arise under the previous approaches, namely, the arbitrariness and string vacuous problems of scrambling incorporated in such works as Miyagawa and Arikawa (2007) and Miyagawa (2010).
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Two Varieties of Subject Scrambling in FNQ-constructions
( Gwangrak Son ) 한국언어정보학회 2015 언어와 정보 Vol.19 No.1
In the traditional Locality approach to floating numeral quantifiers in Korean and Japanese, two subject positions have been identified for external merge, one in Spec,vP and the other in Spec,TP (Saito 1985, Miyagawa 1989, 2013, Miyagawa and Arikawa 2007, etc.). In this paper, I show that the two external merger positions of the subject are unnecessary in the grammar of Korean and Japanese. Rather, by accepting the minimalist assumption of the VP-Internal Subject Hypothesis (Kitagawa 1986, Sportiche 1988, Koopman and Sportiche 1991), we are better able to explain a variety of bewildering phenomena that arise in scrambling contexts of FNQ-constructions.
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Locality and the Phase Impenetrability Condition in Scrambling
Gwangrak Son 한국중원언어학회 2015 언어학연구 Vol.0 No.37
It is generally accepted that the Phrase Impenetrability Condition (PIC) serves as an important instrument of the phase-based operational system in the minimalist framework. However, ever since its advent in Chomsky (1993), the PIC’s actual formations have undergone significant refinements. More specifically, the PIC can be incorporated into two versions: PIC1 and PIC2. In this paper, I demonstrated that Floating Numeral Quantifier (FNQ) constructions in Korean could provide a good testing ground for a choice between two versions of the PIC. I showed that numerous problems germane to the conventional Locality accounts for the FNQs recur under the derivational patterns of the PIC1, but many of them, if not most or all, disappear under the operational systems of the PIC2. Along with these perspectives, I discussed some important arguments relevant to the two versions of PIC in this paper. After the discussion, I conclude this study with the claim that the arguments I made in this paper, if tenable, supply an important piece of empirical evidence supporting the present line of phase development.
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Information Focus on the Structure
Gwangrak Son 현대문법학회 2013 현대문법연구 Vol.73 No.-
Kiss (1998), on the basis of the language material from Hungarian and English, has claimed that information focus has no syntactic relevance and has no distinguished position in the sentence. This paper, however, shows that her claim may not hold in the languages such as Korean, which actively employs scrambling for the purposes of shifting information and prosodic structures in varying speech contexts. Languages of this type use scrambling (or syntactic detachments) to dislocate both the non-focal and the focal entities (which represent a topic and a contrastive constituent, respectively) away from their canonical positions. Scrambling, on the other hand, does not affect constituents bearing all-new information focus; they stay in-situ, and are typically anchored to the position immediately before the verb in the sentence. This observation is made on the basis of (i) relative degree of phonetic prominence of the two types of focus (Rochemont 1986, Pierrehumbert & Beckmann 1988, Kratzer & Selkirk 2007, etc.), and (ii) the default position occupied by the constituents bearing information focus from the viewpoint of information structure, which was first proposed by Vallduví 1992 and has been widely discussed in literature (Kiss 1998, Vallduví & Engdahl 1998, and Tomioka 2007, among many others).
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Gwangrak Son 한국언어학회 2013 언어 Vol.38 No.3
This paper provides evidence that wh-words and their answer counterparts in the response sentences are related with two foci, new-informational focus and contrastive focus (as opposed to the traditional view that these categories are only associated with contrastive/alternative focus). By combining this claim with Kratzer-Selkirk (2011, 2013) type of three-way-distinction of focus (contrastive focus, new-information focus, and givenness), this paper shows that the wh-words and their answer constituents pattern precisely the same way as other non-wh-related words in representing (pragmatic/semantic) information they carry in the sentence; they can all be contrastively- or informationally focused in their default positions, the choice of which being determined by whether they are intended to be exhaustive and/or how much pitch accent they carry.
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