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서정민 ( Jeong Min Seo ),조학행 ( Hak Haeng Jo ) 21세기영어영문학회 2004 영어영문학21 Vol.17 No.2
An Optimality Theoretic Approach to Semi-vowel [j] Jo, Hak-haeng and Seo, Jeong-min(Chonsun Univ.) There have been three kinds of arguments about the status of semi-vowel [j] in Korean within the Korean syllable structure. The three theories, Nucleus Hypothesis, Onset Hypothesis, and Tautosyllabic Hypothesis, consider the semi-vowel [j] in Korean as part of nucleus, onset, and both respectively. Each theory, however, has provided conflicting accounts in reference to analogous evidence. Thus, in this paper we argue that the permission of semi-vowel [j] of Seoul dialect in Korean can be given a functionally grounded treatment by means of *ONSET/X subhierarchy(Smith, 2003: 3) that maintains its universally fixed ranking based on the sonority scale, if the *ONSET/X is defined to be sensitive to the moracity of the segments. And then according to Optimality Theory(Prince & Smolensky, 1993) we will analyse semi-vowel [j] of Seoul and Chonnam dialect in Korean as nucleus. And then the result will be extended to the semi-vowel [j] in English.
서정민 ( Jeong Min Seo ),조학행 ( Hak Haeng Jo ) 대한언어학회 2009 언어학 Vol.17 No.1
The more robust a universal is in a particular language, the less marked the language is in that respect. A highly marked property is one which has minimal (or no) claims to universality (Archangeli & Langendoen, 1997: 3). Based on this idea, this paper is to analyze the emergence of the unmarked (TETU) in Sanskrit intensive reduplication under Correspondence Theory (McCarthy & Prince 1995). In this paper, we argue that the size and the phonological content of each reduplicant in TETU of Sanskrit intensive reduplication result from the conflict of faithfulness constraints and well-formedness constraints. By doing so, this paper will show that the reduplicative pattern of Sanskrit is a good typological example of TETU.
서정민 ( Jeong Min Seo ),조학행 ( Hak Haeng Jo ) 대한언어학회 2008 언어학 Vol.16 No.2
The aim of this paper is to investigate English noun stress which shows opacity in word-final tense vowels. Opacity has been a challenge to classic Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky 1993, 2004) since it does not allow intermediate level of derivation. Local Conjunction (Smolensky 1993, 1995; Kirchner 1996; Lubowicz 2005), Lexical Constraint Domains (Ito & Mester 1995), Multi-stratal Evaluation (Inkelas & Orgun 1995; Ito & Mester 1999), and Sympathy Theory (McCarthy 1999) have been proposed to deal with opacity but there are also problems in them. In this paper to resolve the problems in the previous theories above, we will attempt to resolve the opacity problem by employing Optimality Theory with Candidate Chains (OT-CC, McCarthy 2006a-d, 2007), which incorporates inter-candidate derivational information with P(REC)(edence) constraints(A, B) (P(REC)(A, B)). Based on OT-CC with Prec(A, B), this paper examines and analyses the opacity of English noun stress in word-final tense vowels, in which rule order produces a kind of under application resulting from counterfeeding rules, supporting the superiority of OT-CC.
서정민 ( Jeong Min Seo ),조학행 ( Hak Haeng Jo ) 조선대학교 인문학연구원 2006 인문학연구 Vol.34 No.-
The purpose of this paper is to examine the syllable structure in Standard Chinese(SC). There have been various arguments about the Standard Chinese syllable structure, which are related to the status of on-glide and [r] in ER-HUA phenomenon. Each argument, however, has provided a conflicting account in reference to analogous evidences. Thus, in this paper we argue that the status of on-glide and [r] in ER-HUA phenomenon should be explained by Optimality Theory(Prince & Smolensky, 1993), which is based on constraint-based theory, instead of Generative Phonology.
Stress assignment and opacity in Batticaloa Creole Portuguese
Jeong-min Seo(서정민),Hak-haeng Jo(조학행) 한국음운론학회 2008 음성·음운·형태론 연구 Vol.14 No.1
According to Koontz-Garbodean (2000), the stress assignment in Batticaloa Creole Portuguese (BCP) is very predictable: stress falls on the last underlying long vowel of a word, or on the first vowel of a word if a word has no long vowel underlyingly. BCP has phonemic vowel length, though long vowels only surface when they are stressed in a word-initial syllable. Elsewhere, they are shortened. The stress assignment of BCP in these cases involves opacity. The aim of this paper is to investigate the opacity of stress assignment in BCP. Opacity, which refers to the phenomenon that output forms are shaped by generalizations that are not surface-true, or not surface-apparent, has been a challenge to classic Optimality Theory (OT, Prince and Smolensky 1993, 2004) since it is an outputoriented theory. To deal with opacity, many other theories such as Local Conjunction (Smolensky 1993; Kirchner 1996), Lexical Constraint Domains (It? and Mester 1995a-b), OO-correspondence (Benua 1995; Kager 1995; McCarthy 1996), I-O Well-formedness (Orgun 1996; Archangeli and Suzuki 1997), Lexical Accent (Hammond 1999), Multi-stratal Evaluation (It? and Mester 1999), and Sympathy Theory (McCarthy 1999, 2002), have been proposed. According to Kager (1999: 377-399), McCarthy (2007: 9-13, 25-49), and Seo and Jo (2007b: 46-48), however, there are also many problems in them. In this paper to resolve the opacity in OT, we will attempt to solve the opacity problem by employing Optimality Theory with Candidate Chains (OT-CC, McCarthy 2006a-d, 2007), which incorporates the inter-candidate derivational information with PREC (edence) constraints(A, B) (PREC(A, B)). Based on OT-CC with Prec(A, B), this paper examines and analyses the opacity of stress assignment in BCP, supporting the superiority of OT-CC.
서정민 ( Jeong Min Seo ),조학행 ( Hak Haeng Jo ) 조선대학교 인문학연구원 2007 인문학연구 Vol.35 No.-
The aim of this paper is to examine the opacity in Iraqi Arabic resulting from the correlation between stress assignment and vowel epenthesis. For this, after classifying the stress assignment in Spanish, Swahili, Iraqi Arabic, and Dakota, we will present the opacity problem in Iraqi Arabic. Opacity has been a challenge to Generative Phonology and classic Optimality Theory(Prince & Smolensky 1993). OO-correspondence (Benua, 1995), Lexical Constraint Domains (Ito & Mester, 1995a-b), Two-level Well-formedness (Orgun, 1995), Sympathy Theory (McCarthy, 1998), Lexical Accent (Hammond, 1999), and Multi-stratal Evaluation (Ito & Mester, 1999) have been proposed to handle the opacity. But there are also problems in them. In this paper to resolve the problems in Generative Phonology, classic Optimality Theory, and Local Conjunction, We will try to resolve the opacity problems by employing the new account of McCarthy(2006a-d, 2007)`s Optimality Theory with Candidate Chains(OT-CC). Based on OT-CC, this paper investigates and analyses the opacity. And We support the superiority of OT-CC.
조학행 대한언어학회 1995 언어학 Vol.3 No.-
Jo, Hak-haeng(1995). On Verifying the Adequacy of 'Holomeric' Phonology.' Linguistics vol. 3. This paper presents a certain unknown aspect of phonological reality, namely, the holomeric one. Up to the present, when we study natural language, the analysis and investigation of given data has been realized within a confined sphere in both structural and transformational grammar theories. But an axiomatic approach to phonological reality allows to infer theorems which seem to shed light on the holomeric one. The holomeric principle operating within the structure of an entity presupposes that the whole entity is encoded in each of its parts. This makes it possible to reproduce the whole from the information present in any part of this whole. Holomeric aspects of phones, phonetic dimensions and phonological relations are discussed. And the adequacy of holomeric phonology as a universal one is also verified.