고려대학교 소장 <훈민정음>(언해본)의 특징과 의미

김주필 ( Joo Phil Kim ) 국민대학교 어문학연구소 2011 語文學論叢 Vol.30 No.-

The Hangul version of Hunminjeongeum in Korea Univ. library (henceforth “HKU”) is the one which was retranslated from Hunminjeongeum in Baejayebuunryak or Sillok, and of which the annotation and translation are different from the version in Seogang Univ. library (henceforth “HSU”). While the translation in HKU is more literally translated and the Kugyol is less ambiguous than the HSU, the annotation is less systematic than HSU. The writing system, tonal representation, phonological phenomena, morphological-syntactical characteristics of the words and morphemes in the revised parts in HKU are seemed to be compiled in 17th century or in the early of 18th century. Thus, it can be deducted that a scholar having a profound knowledge of Chinese Literature translated the two torn pages and he might be Nam Hak-Myeong (1654~1722) because his name was sealed in the first page in HKU. In conclusion, HKU is significant in that it gives various interpretations of Hunminjeongeum to researchers even though it was compiled by one scholar and in 17-8th century.

<갑자상소문>과 ≪훈민정음≫의 두 <서문>

김주필 ( Kim Joo-phil ) 반교어문학회 2016 泮橋語文硏究 Vol.0 No.44

Hunminjeongeum(1446) has included two prefaces, i.e. < King`s Preface > and < Jeonginji`s Peface >. In these two prefaces, we could see grounds of the New Letters that scholars including Choi Malli, had criticized in < Sangsomun > written in February 20th 1444, and lots of contents in which the contentions on problems in the usage of the New Letters was refuted and the writers of the two prefaces rationalized their insistences. After making an close examination of < Sangsomun > and the two prefaces, we could get two understandings that < Jeonginji`s Peface > tried to elucidate the cons raised in < Sangsomun > and highlighted the pros of using the New Letters, and < King`s Preface > was written on the basis of the three concepts―Ieum(異音, phonetic differences from Chinese), Pyeonmin(便民, making people convenient), Ihyo(易曉, making people literate easily)―which could be found in discourses between King Sejong and the scholars including Choi Malli. In conclusion, this paper argues that the purpose, Hunminjeongeum focused on explaining the grounds of making onset and nucleus, the correspondence between phonemes and letters, writing system ― onsets, nucleus, coda and those combination, and the introduction of using New Letters, was to resolve the the problems raised in < Sangsomun > and rationalize the using of New letters.

영조 어제류 한글 필사본의 표기와 음운현상

김주필(Kim Joo-phil) 한국학중앙연구원 2004 장서각 Vol.- No.11

Concerning the number of letters (alphabets), there is little difference between the materials used as source materials and other middle and late 18th century materials. In these materials, 22 letters were used for onset, 23 letters for core, and 7 letters for coda of a syllable. In the letters of glottalized sounds, the double letters beginning with 'ㅅ' ('ㅼ, ㅽ, ㅺ') and those beginning with the 'ㅂ' ('ㅄ, ㅶ') were in exclusive distribution. In the letters of aspirated sounds, besides 'ㅊ, ㅋ, ㅌ, ㅍ', the spelling type of 'plain sound letter-letter for aspirated' such as 'ㅅ-ㅊ, ㅅ-ㅌ' and the spelling type of 'plain sound letter-letter 'ㅎ' for [h]' such as 'ㄱ-ㅎ, ㅂ-ㅎ' were used. The traditional 'spellings of liasion' (連綴表記) in the boundary of 'lexical word' (實辭) and 'grammatical word' (虛辭) were mostly replaced with 'spellings of division' (分綴表記). The phonological changes in these materials were a little different from the contemporary general changes such as 't- palatalization, vowel rounding, and dephonologization of ' · ' [?]. But these changes were assumed to be developed very slowly because there were not enough examples in these materials when compared to other materials at the time. Especially the change of ' · ' to '一' [?] was known to be completed by the 16th century, but these materials show that it was not completed by then. And change of ' · ' to 'ㅏ' [a] was in a fairly incipient phase in these materials. Based on the characteristics of these phonological changes, it is necessary to approach the synchronic and diachronic characteristics of the Royal materials separately from those of other contemporary materials.

한글 맞춤법 원칙의 특성과 의미

김주필 ( Joo Phil Kim ) 국민대학교 어문학연구소 2005 語文學論叢 Vol.24 No.-

"훈민정음(訓民正音)"의 성격(性格)과 "전환(轉換)"의 의미(意味)

김주필 ( Joo Phil Kim ) 국민대학교 어문학연구소 2012 語文學論叢 Vol.31 No.-

In the December 30 article of Joseonwangjosilok (the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty) It was stated that the name of the letters created by King Sejong was used in two ways, Eonmun and Hunminjeongeum. Although the two terms usually have been understood to have the same meaning, we need to focus on the fact that they have different connotative senses. As mentioned in the article, "Eonmun is simple but the change(전환, Jeonhwan) is infinite. Humnimjeongeum is the name of that.", we might conclude that Huminjeoneum is a system of letters which changes Eonmun infinitely. If we examine the changes with the new letters, we find several types; firstly, in order to transcribe sounds of foreign languages, some letters of 28 letters in Hunminjeoneum were used (□, □, □, □, □, □ etc.), Secondly, some letters of 28 letters had different phonetic values (phonetic values of nuclei in Hongmujeonun Yeokhun and Gakjabyeonseo), thirdly, Hapyong and Byeongseo which had not been shown in Eonmun were used (□, □, □ etc.), fourthly, basic letters of 28 letters were used by a new rule (for instance, □), lastly, the position and rule about using letters were different (using □ and using □ [w] in the onset position). With these various ways of change we can transcribe the language sounds which has a different phonological system. Therefore, we reach to a conclusion that Hunminjeoneum is an IPA(International Phonemic Alphabet).

대마도 종가문고 한글 서간류의 표기와 음운

김주필 ( Joo Phil Kim ) 국민대학교 어문학연구소 2016 語文學論叢 Vol.35 No.-

This study reviewed writing system and phonological characteristics from 18th century to 19th century`s Hangeul Correspondences written by Early Joseon Dynasty and Japanese interpreters, and discussed the aspects and features of use in this data. First of all, as the result of reviewing the format and contents of this data, it is considered as executive documents written by interpreters when doing their duties. In Joseon period, official documents were written in Classical Chinese or Idu sentences. This data, however, was mainly written in Korean along with Classical Chinese. This Korean-Classical Chinese style frequently shows two-syllable auto-segmental letters and Chinese transcription of each Sino-Korean words. It is assumed that Sino-Korean words are still written in Idu sentences, and the rest of them, such as native Korean words, particles, endings, frequent Sino-Korean words are converted to Idu sentences in executive document. In this data, derivational surface forms are transcribed after applying phonological rules. In case of non-automatic allomorph alternatives, which are inderivational surface forms through phonological rules, are written in surface forms. And there are two exceptions, one is particles of Idu ending phrases, the other is writing of grammatical morphemes (tense) such as -ass-, -ess-, -keyss- those were in the formation process. The Central dialect is speculated as the code reflected in this data, through the tokens of t-palatalization, k-palatalization, n-deletion, and umlaut etc.. After morphological patterns of words and diverse phonological phenomena are examined, this data shows some salient features of central dialect overall, but in partial vowel use, such as ``^>a`` change, and ``□u`` vowel rounding of Kyeongsang zone dialect, where the area the interpreters used to work in the field.

18세기 역서류(譯書類) 문헌과 왕실(王室) 문헌의 음운변화(音韻變化) -ㄷ口개음화(蓋音化)와 원순모음화(圓脣母音化)를 중심으로-

김주필 ( Kim Joo-phil ) 한국어문교육연구회 2005 어문연구(語文硏究) Vol.33 No.2

18세기 中期와 後期의 譯書類 文獻인 『朴通事新釋諺解』와 『重刊老乞大諺解』, 王室 文獻인 英祖의 『어졔』·『경셰문답』과 正祖의 『倫音』을 대상으로 口蓋音化와 圓脣母音化의 例들을 검토한 결과, 口蓋音化는 譯書類 文獻에서 51.65%와 96.92%로, 王室 文獻에서 8.66%와 88.90%로, 圓脣母音化는 譯書類 文獻에서 23.73%와 5.73%로, 王室 文獻에서 1.19%와 15.07%로 나타났다. 이 비율은 고유어(文法形態素와 形態素 境界, 語彙形態素의 語頭와 非語頭)와 漢字語 등 세부 환경에서도 유사하게 나타났다. 이 결과는 譯書類 문헌과 王室 문헌의 社會的 特性에 기인하는 有意味한 差異가 있음을 보여줄 뿐만 아니라, 문헌 부류에 따라 口蓋音化와 圓脣母音化의 확산 과정에 차이가 있음을 보여준다. 그러므로 國語 音韻變化의 과정에 대한 연구는 社會言語學的 觀點에서 言語 變化의 普遍性과 特殊性을 밝히는 방향으로 나아가야 할 필요가 있다 This study surveys the frequency of the phonological changes of non-palatal consonants into palatal ones before ‘i’ or ‘y’, and those of non-round vowels into round ones after labial stops in the middle and late eighteenth century. The examples were taken from translation works, Pag-tong-sa-sin-seok-eon-hae(朴通事新釋諺解, 1764) and Jung-gan- no-geol-dae-eon-hae(重刊老乞大諺解, 1795) and royal literatures, Eo-je(어졔, 1760s), Gyeong-se-mun-dab(경셰문답, 1760s) of King Yeongjo's reign and Yun-eum(倫音, 1780s~1790s) of King Jeongjo's reign. T-palatalization rate is 51.65% and 96.92% in the translation works, and 8.66% and 88.90% in the royal literature, respectively. The rate of the changes of non-round vowels into round ones was 23.73% and 5.73% in the translation works, and 1.19% and 15.07% in the royal literature, respectively. The rate remain more or less the same in the particular environments of pure-Korean(grammatical morphemes, morpheme boundaries, initial syllable in a lexical words, and non-initial syllable in a lexical words) and sino-Korean. The result shows that there are significant differences of the phonological changes between the translation works and the royal literature according to the social characteristics of each sources. It also shows that the diffusion processes of both phonological changes differ in differently categorized materials. Therefore it is necessary to conduct the research of Korean phonological changes under the socio-linguistic perspective, considering the social characteristics of the materials surveyed. And the research of the processes of the Korean phonological changes should be done in such a way that it can reveal both the universality and particularity of the language changes.

근대한국어의 구개음화

김주필(Joo-Phil Kim) 사단법인 한국언어학회 2018 언어학 Vol.0 No.80

In the Korean language history literature, the example of t-palatalization is first appeared in Sino-Korean in the Weorin Seokbo(1561) published in Jeolla Province, and the example of hyper-correction is also shown on Sino-Korean. There were examples of the t-palatalization and hyper-correction in the late 16th and early 17th centuries in the Gyeongsang and Hamkyeong dialect. In the Central dialect, palatalization and hyper-correction examples began to appear in the mid-17th century literature and became widespread in the 18th century. In the Central dialect, palatalization and hyper-correction examples began to appear in the mid-17th century literature and became widespread in the 18th century. Examples of k-palatalization appeared in the Gyeongsang and Hamkyeong dialect literature in the late 16th century, and in the Jeolla dialect literature in the 17·8th century. The h-palatalization examples appeared in dialect literature other than Pyeongan Province in the late 16th or 17th century. k-palatalization, h-palatalization, and hyper-correction of these palatalizations were all in the word-initial syllable. To examine the historical development of the palatalization phenomenon, we compiled from Sayeokweon(司譯院) by extracting t-palatalization examples from Chinese language textbooks(漢學書) and Japanese language textbooks(倭學書). At the beginning, the palatalization patterns showed a mild pattern, but at some point, the pattern of S-curve changes suddenly with more than 50% frequency. This pattern of change is based on the words (Sino-Korean words and native words), and the morphological characteristics (vocabulary morpheme, morpheme boundary and grammatical morpheme) and the phonological distribution of the palatalization environment (the word-initial syllable, and the second or third syllable) showed similar patterns of change. The palatalization examples have begun to appear in the literature and it takes a long time to become generalized. In this period, palatalized new form appeared as old form. Thus, the types of palatalization in the literature are three classes as follows: ① The type that only the old form is used, ② the type in which the old form and the new form are used together, ③ the type used only in new form. Based on this condition, the diachronic process of palatalization is considered to be a process in which the individual forms including the palatalization environment change from ① to ② and ② to ③ respectively. The phonological change called palatalization, in which the old form changes to the new form, is presumed to be caused by the rules inherent in the speaker. So the basis of the claim that the rule that leads to palatalization is inherent in the speaker was Ⓐ the hyper-correction examples in the early literature showing examples of t-palatalization, Ⓑ the state of the Nogeoldae Shinseok Eohae(1765) with a palatalized new form suddenly used 100%. In the former case, hyper-corrected form can not be created without the premise of a rule. In the latter case, if the speaker had not internalized the rules, it was impossible to use the 100% new form suddenly. In this respect, yet the diachronic process of palatalization proceeds by the internal rules of the speaker, the internalized rules of speaker are determined by the internal structure of language material, and speaker"s judgment about situation whether to apply rules for the language material and to use old form or new form. In this respect, the diachronic process of palatalization is proceeded by the internal rules of the speaker, but the rules for the linguistic material and the usage of the old and new forms determines the internal rules and the direction of change by the internal structure of the linguistic material, the application of the rules to the language material by the speaker.

후기 중세국어의 음운현상(音韻現象)과 모음체계(母音體系)

김주필 ( Kim Joo-phil ) 한국어문교육연구회 2003 어문연구(語文硏究) Vol.31 No.1

후기 中世國語의 母音體系에서 [縮]은 'ㅏ, 、, ㅗ'와 'ㅓ, ㅡ, ㅜ'를 나누는 主要 分類 資質이었으며, '、, ㅡ'와 'ㅗ, ㅜ'를 나누는 [口蹙]과 '、, ㅡ'와 'ㅏ, ㅓ'를 나누는 [口張]은, [縮] 선상에서 적용되는 副次的인 分類 資質이었다. 당시의 7모음 가운데, 'ㅣ'는 [縮] 관련 현상에 . 'ㅣ, ㅏ, ㅓ'는 [口蹙] 관련 현상에, 'ㅣ, ㅗ, ㅜ'는 [口張] 관련 현상에 참가하지 않는 無關母音이었다. 이렇게 [縮]의 대립을 바탕으로 [口縮]과 [口張]이 각각 대립을 보이는 母音關係를 바탕으로, 母音調和를 [a縮] 모음과 [a縮] 모음들 사이에 이루어지는 [縮]의 調和 現象으로 '、>ㅡ' 변화를 [+縮] 모음인 '、'가 [-縮] 모음인 'ㅡ'로 바뀌는 非縮化 現象으로, '、→ㅗ. ㅡ→ㅜ'현상을 [-口蹙] 모음인 '、,ㅡ'가 [+口蹙] 모음인 'ㅗ, ㅜ'로 각각 바뀌는 口蹙化 現象으로, 그리고 '、>ㅏ' 현상을 [-口張] 모음인 '、'가 [+口張] 모음인 'ㅏ'로 바뀌는 口張化 現象으로, 그리고 '、>ㅏ'현상을 [-口張] 모음인 '、'가 [+口張] 모음인 'ㅏ'로 바뀌는 口張化 現象으로 설명하였다. The vowel system of the late Middle Korean was based upon the feature of [RTR], that is the retraction of the tongue root. It had the diagonal system with the features of [kuchuk] (for vowels of [-low] feature based upon [RTR]), and [kujang](for vowels of [-high] based upon the feature of [RTR]) having oppositional vowels, respectively. [RTR] was the major feature which divided ㅏ[a], [Λ], ㅗ[o] into ㅓ[e], ㅡ[i], ㅜ[u]. [kuchuk] and [kujang] were secondary features, as the former was used to distinguish [Λ], ㅡ[i] and ㅗ[o], ㅜ[u], and the latter, to distinguish [Λ], ㅡ[i] and ㅏ[a], ㅓ[e], respectively. In this system, it has been believed, the vowel ㅣ[i] was redundant concerning the feature of [RTR]. Similarly, the vowels ㅣ[i], ㅏ[a] and ㅓ[e] were redundant concerning the feature of [kuchuk], and the vowels ㅣ[i], ㅗ[o] and ㅜ[u] were redundant concerning the feature of [kujang]. In the diagonal system with seven vowels, the vowel harmony can be explained as a phenomenon of the harmony of [αRTR], and the change of [Λ] to ㅡ[i] as phenomenon of [+RTR] changing to [-RTR], while the respective change of [Λ], ㅡ[i] to ㅗ[o], ㅜ[u] can be explained as a phenomenon of [-kuchuk] changing to [+kuchuk], and the change of [] to ㅏ[a] as a phenomenon of [-kujang] changing to [+kujang].

영조의 ≪어졔≫에 나타난、와-의 표기와 음성 실현 양상

김주필 ( Joo Phil Kim ) 국민대학교 어문학연구소 2004 語文學論叢 Vol.23 No.-