RISS 학술연구정보서비스

검색
다국어 입력

http://chineseinput.net/에서 pinyin(병음)방식으로 중국어를 변환할 수 있습니다.

변환된 중국어를 복사하여 사용하시면 됩니다.

예시)
  • 中文 을 입력하시려면 zhongwen을 입력하시고 space를누르시면됩니다.
  • 北京 을 입력하시려면 beijing을 입력하시고 space를 누르시면 됩니다.
닫기
    인기검색어 순위 펼치기

    RISS 인기검색어

      검색결과 좁혀 보기

      선택해제
      • 좁혀본 항목 보기순서

        • 원문유무
        • 원문제공처
          펼치기
        • 등재정보
        • 학술지명
          펼치기
        • 주제분류
        • 발행연도
          펼치기
        • 작성언어
        • 저자
          펼치기

      오늘 본 자료

      • 오늘 본 자료가 없습니다.
      더보기
      • 무료
      • 기관 내 무료
      • 유료
      • 블루레이 디스크용 초정밀 플라스틱 대물렌즈 개발에 관한 연구

        김부태(Kim Boo Tae),서정철(Jung-Chul Seo),현동훈(Hyun Dong Hoon) 한국생산제조학회 2010 한국공작기계학회 추계학술대회논문집 Vol.2010 No.-

        This study is aimed to develop a Pick-up lens for blu-ray disc to cut costs by change glass which is previous material of a object lens to plastic. A object lens of a blu-ray disc has high aperture ratio lens with NA 0.85 to read pit of 0.15 micron minimum, and track pitch of 32 micron which has more than five times recording density than DVD disk lenses. These lenses are applied techniqes of supreme precise injection molding, sub micron correcting, and ultra-precision machining of 0.05 micron aspheric figure precision to have high limit of resolution. In result of the lens measurement, they are achieved that requirements of object for blu-ray disc : penetration ratio above 88%, optical axis error under 0.75 arcmin, wavefront aberration under 0.035λ RMS, and NA 0.85.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        파울루 프레이리 교육론의 정치적 성격

        김부태 ( Kim Boo-tae ) 한국교육철학회 2016 교육철학 Vol.60 No.-

        This study aimed to explore the meanings of Paulo Freire’s proposition, “education is politics”. To explore them, this study examined theoretical backgrounds on the political nature of education, analytically considered Freire’s viewpoint on the political nature of education, and discussed directivities of his viewpoint, through reviewing his representative works and the related studies. The results of this study were as follows: (1) Arguments about political neutrality of education assumed political conservatism in that most of the arguments concluded in favor of the stable equilibrium of existing society, (2) Freire’s viewpoint on the political nature of education was based on the theory of relative autonomy of education, (3) Main contents of Freire’s viewpoint are as follows: ① Political nature of education originated from educabilities of human as an ideological being, ② The base of political nature of education was universal human ethic, ③ The context of his viewpoint was historical fields of inclusive education, and ④ His viewpoint had an optimistic prospect that education would be a power of social change. (4) To Freire, politics of education means social practices which the persons directly involved in education choose, decide, and struggle through teaching and learning for human liberation. (5) His proposition, “education is politics” means that education may be a power of stabilization or change of existing society, but he hopes education becomes political power for human liberation. (6) His viewpoint implies orientations to realize humanization, partisanship to the people, learning society, and radical democracy.

      • KCI등재

        일제강점기 학력제도의 구조적 성격: 역사,철학적 논의

        김부태 ( Boo Tae Kim ) 한국교육철학회 2013 교육철학 Vol.51 No.-

        The purpose of this study is to investigate characteristics of hakryuk institution in the Japanese colonial period. According to its requirements for establishment, the characteristics of hakryuk institution are as follows: 1. School education system: the system was established in that schools and their relations among them were built on the Chosun Educational Ordinances. The system had nationalistic and colonial characteristics. 2. Connection of hakryuk-job: Hakryuks became to a large extent standards of employment and wage especially in the public sector. Connections of hakryuk-job combined with examinations increased. 3. Eduational opportunity: Opportunities were selectively opened to Chosun people. The Japanese empire restricted their opportunities for entering school and learning, and also used hakryuk institution as a mechanism of divide and rule. 4. Social consciousness: Chosun people began to have educational credentialism in the late 1910s, and it seems that consciousness of its utility for individual success was widespread since the early 1920s. Hakryuk institution in the Japanese Colonial Period was more extensive and systematic than before. It brought about educational credentialism in Chosun and made Chosun people have the distorted eductional consciousness and aspiration. In short, hakryuk institution in the Japanese Colonial Period was an institutional mechanism that facilitated domination by abusing education.

      • SCOPUSKCI등재
      • 一次元的 社會와 敎育의 社會構成力

        김부태 안동대학 학생지도연구소 1991 學生指導硏究 Vol.11 No.1

        The purpose of this study is to discuss logical relation between education and social revolution for liberation in One-dimensional Society (Herbert Marcuse, 1964). If a society is oppressing and inhuman one, it is natural that education should act as emancipatory transformations. Education for social transformation is that it makes over-all new, type of man in his consciousness as well as his instinctive needs. The power of making like so is social construction of education. For new society will be constructed by this new type of man. However, social construction of education can not but have limitations in that the regularity of a system concealing the logic of domination limits the emancipatory transformations of education, Education keeping on retaining the logic of domination in one-dimensional society reproduces and reinforces the prior domination ideologies, depoliticizes the subjects of education, and is subject to the ruling power. Inspite of the fact, the relative autonomy of education logically give to us the hope that the education can resist these contradictions and can have some revolutions against them. The social construction of education is the practical power revealing itself in dialectical relation between the system and education as well as between the structure and the agent. This power may break man with the established society, subjectize one dimensional man, and restore the relative autonomy of education. Therefore, the power is the humanism that will get rid of the gap between the present and the hopeful future. Marcuse's social criticism is based on this humanism. The meaning of education implied in Marcuse's social criticism is possibility which would loosen the hold of enslaving needs in one dimensional society, and this meaning is expressed in his refusal to abandon the dialectic of agency and structure and his development of theoretical perspective that treats seriously the claim that history can be changed, that the potential for radical transformations exist. Although his critical argument is often criticize for elitist, speculative, and utopian approach, the value of his theory that argue the realization of liberal man must not, be reduced because of the fact, we must have the considerations the process of education is the process of interaction having together the give and take and many utopias that was thought impossible have been realizing by progressive challenges.

      • KCI등재

        1930년대 농민교육정책에 대한 교육사회학적 분석

        손종현,김부태 한국교육철학회 1995 교육철학 Vol.13 No.-

        The purpose of this study is to demonstrate positively the preposition that 'The Rural Developing Movement' and its educational policy in 1930s Chosun practiced by Imperial Japan is the mechanism of economical exploitation and ideological repression of domestic-imperial power Korean tenant farmers. The finding are as follow : First, the policy of farmer education was disigned to reflect the intention of colonizers and landownners who were willing to overcome economical-political crisis. Second, the goal of farmer education was to reinforce the colonial ruling system by promoting nation dependency and class division. So it was pursuited by cooperation between coloizer and Korean landowner who shared the same interests. Third, its financial resources were founded on national budgeting, Hyang Gyo's(鄕敎) fund, earing by laboring of member, and landowners' contributions. Fourth, administrators who train and indoctrinate farmers were colonial rulers and landowners, and objects of rual education were tenant farmers, local youth, married women and the unschooled. And its agencies were youth services, disciplinary center for 'leading figures', women's organizations and non-governmental Hyang Yak(鄕約). Fifth, lecturing meeting, literacy education meeting, and disciplinary meeting for married women were functioned as the main apparatus for indoctrination. And rural education policy was feedbacked by the supervision of colonizer and reinforced by the method of prizing leading figures.

      • 신문의 '새로운 교육론' 비판

        孫鍾賢,金富泰 한국교육학회 대구·경북지회 2000 교육학논총 Vol.20 No.2

        The purpose of this study is to review responses of newspapers to the new educational discourse. We were going to identify whether newspaper reports which initiate the thinking and consciousness of the mass have educational adequacy. In this study, new educational discourse means discourses on the alternative education and Open Education. They have been paid attention as new educational orientation resulting from critiques and reflections on the existing education system. We scraped the related articles which two newspapers(Jungang Ilbo and Youngnam Ilbo) reported in 1997, and analyzed their report patterns and contents. We conceptualized this new educational discourses as ontological resistance to the contradictions of the existing education system. As it were, new educational discourse resulted from problem-raising on the limits of the educational system. Findings are as follows: First, newspapers fall into the conceptual confusion or reduced conceptualization of alternative education and open education. Second, newspapers showed relatively trust in news coming from official sources and their elitist conservatism. This5 means that newspapers took for granted regulations from the upper. Third, newspapers reported and judged impromptu on the new educational discourse. Fourth, newspapers showed willingness to intervene in education actively. In short, newspapers responded according to common ideas and the way of their existence. Newspaper distorted the ontological significances of philosophy and historicity of alternative education and open education.

      연관 검색어 추천

      이 검색어로 많이 본 자료

      활용도 높은 자료

      해외이동버튼