『南冥集』 丙午(1606)本의 발견과 그 의의

이상필 경상국립대학교 경남문화연구원 2017 남명학연구 Vol.53 No.-

The controversy on whether 『Nam-myeong Collection』 was first published in 1602 or 1604 has been provoked in the thesis of Jeon Byeong-yoon, Oh Yi-hwan and Kim Yoon-su. Lee Sang-pill revealed in 『The Study on Nam-myeong』 30th collection (Published on December 31, 2010) that the first publication of 『Nam-myeong Collection』 has to be in August, 1604 when Jeong In-hong, the writer of Nam-myeong wrote the preface. After, the woodblock was burned down but could be re-engraved and published by help of Governor Yoo Yeong-sun, and that woodblock-printed book was called the 1606 edition. The book discovered recently is the 1606 edition, which the 1st volume is in one book and the 2nd and 3rd volume are in one book. The 1st volume includes 3 pages of preface, 9 pages of Nam-myeong record, 6 pages of Nam-myeong inscription and 37 pages of the 1st edition, total 55 pages. The 2nd volume includes 88 pages of the 2nd edition and 36 pages of the 3rd edition, total 124 pages. This book has 7 traces of correction which means that it is not the first 1606 edition but the late 1606 edition, the oldest edition and the complete set of books among discovered 『Nam-myeong Collection』 until now. After comparing the 1606 edition and the 1609 edition and examining which parts were edited from the 1606 edition to the 1609 edition in detail, it is concluded as follows. First, 112 parts were edited from the 1606 edition to the 1609 edition. Jeon Byeong-yoon and Oh Yi-hwan claimed that 28 parts were edited, but 84 corrections were more discovered in the same volume and 28 corrections in 45 pages of the 2nd volume that they could not see were discovered, thus there are total 112 corrections. Second, it is claimed that there are 72 simple misspelling corrections and parts that should be corrected are corrected, but 'sunseungcheil(先乘霽日)' may need reconsideration and 'yoonson(胤 孫)' is wrongly corrected. Third, among editing related to poetry style, 'ohshibnyeon(五十年)' of 'jeonshin ohshibnyeon cheonlu(全身五十年前u)' can confirm the original on grounds of this woodblock-printed book. Fourth, editing related to context worths being future subject of research. The most wellknown among these, the complete deletion of latter part of Shinmyeongsamyeong is interpreted that it is due to comment of Toigye. Saying 'Pro-independence' to Toigye, Sending Ohju to Kwon Eung-in to make him find his dying hour, describing adoptees from different clans and supplementing the poet 'Ganglu' can be quoted as part of future research. 『남명집』의 간행이 언제 처음 이루어졌느냐 하는 것은 이미 전병윤과 오이환, 김윤수의 논문에서 1602년이냐 1604년이냐의 논란이 있어 왔다. 이에 대해 이상필이 『南冥學硏究』 30집(2010.12.31간행)의 「『南冥集』 初刊年代 辨證」이란논문에서, 『남명집』의 초간은 남명의 문인 정인홍이 그 서문을 쓴 1604년 8월이라 볼 수밖에 없으며, 그 뒤 목판이 불타 관찰사 柳永詢의 도움으로 다시 판각되어 간행되었다는 그 판본을 병오본으로 명명하게 되었음을 밝힌 바 있다. 이번에 발견된 이 책은 바로 그 병오본으로서, 제1권이 한 책으로 장책되어있고, 제2권과 제3권(부록)이 한 책으로 장책되어 있다. 제1책은 서문 3장, 남명행장 9장, 남명비문 6장, 제1권 37장 등 모두 55장으로 되어 있다. 제2책은제2권 88장, 제3권 36장 등 모두 124장으로 되어 있다. 지금까지 발견된 『남명집』으로서는 最古本이며 完帙本이다. 이 병오본과 기유본을 대조하여 병오본의 내용을 기유본에서 어떻게 고쳤던가 하는 점을 낱낱이 살펴본 결과 그 의의는 다음과 같이 정리된다. 첫째는 병오본에서 기유본으로 바뀌면서 112곳에서 수정이 이루어졌다는 점이다. 전병윤과 오이환은 28곳에서 수정이 이루어졌다고 하였으나, 같은 곳에서 84곳이 더 발견되었고, 그들이 보지 못했던 2권 마흔다섯 장에서 28곳을 발견함으로써, 그 사이에 변화된 곳이 모두 112곳임이 드러난 것이다. 둘째는 단순한 오자 수정이 72곳에서 이루어졌고 이들은 대체로 수정될 만한것을 수정했다고 하겠으나, ‘先乘霽日’의 경우는 재고의 여지가 있고, ‘胤孫’의경우는 잘못 수정한 것이었다. 셋째로 시 형식과 관련하여 이정한 것 가운데 ‘全身五十年前u’의 ‘五十年’은, 이 판본을 근거로 기존의 ‘四十年’을 수정하여 이를 정본으로 확정할 만하다. 넷째로 문맥과 관련하여 이정한 것은 앞으로의 연구과제가 될 만하다. 이 가운데서 이미 잘 알려진 것이지만 특히 신명사명의 뒷부분을 완전히 삭거한 것은 退溪의 指斥을 염두에 둔 결과로 해석된다. 그리고 退溪에게 ‘獨立之地’라고한 것이라든지, 權應仁에게 五柱를 보내어 자신의 임종 시기를 알아보게 한 편지라든지, 異姓養子를 분명히 기술한 것이라든지, ‘江樓’ 시를 보각한 것 등은앞으로 연구의 한 부분으로 인용될 만한 것이다.

NB/MoSi2저층복합재료의 제조 및 파괴특성

이상필,윤한기 대한기계학회 2002 大韓機械學會論文集A Vol.26 No.6

『覺齋集』 解題

李相弼 慶尙大學校 南冥學硏究所 2002 남명학연구 Vol.12 No.-

목재 세포벽중의 탄수화합물 간의 결합 양식 : The Isolation of Carbohydrates

이상필,이종윤 한국목재공학회 1987 목재공학 Vol.15 No.3

This study was performed to find out the types of linkage of carbohydrates in wood cell walls. To study the structure of linkage of carbohydrates in wood cell walls, we have attempted to find out the method holocellulose preparation and optimum condition of enzyme hydrolysis in holocellulose, and fractionate oligosaccharide with products that hydrolized partly by acetolysis and deacetylation in holocellulose. We have achieved four results. These results as follow; 1. At first, we reacted in wood meal NaClO₂ 1g per lignin lg for one hour and then the same of quantity NaClO₂ for tour hours. Through these experiments, we have developed new holocellulose preparation method which had low loss of carbohydrates and high effect of the delignification. 2. The optimum condition of enzyme hydrolysis of holocellulose which had lignin was 0.005M sodium acetate buffer (pH 5.0). We have achieved 7.2% reducing sugar through the procedure that reactioned 0.01g holocellulose putting enzyme 0.03g for 72 hours. It may be supposed that 5.5% of lignin contained in holocellulose prevented enzyme contaction from holocellulose and so this lignin has resulted in the low efficiency of enzyme hydrolysis. 3. We did not fractionated from oligosaccharides which were preparated by the method of acetolysis and deacetylation in holocellulose. The reason is that holocellulose having a lot of lignin prevented prefectly partial hydrolysis from the method of acetolysis and deacetylation. 4. We attempted analysis of six standard substances through HPLC apparatus having sugar pak 1 column which we have changed flow rate and the column temperature variably. These six standard substances were D-glucose, D-mannose, D-xylose, D-galaetose and L-rhamnose, L-arabinose, But sugar pak 1 column was not fitted analysis of four substances because D-galactose, D-mannose, D-xylose, L-rhamnose were agreement with elution time. And so, we could not analize four standard substances with sugar pak 1 column.

나노입자 혼합 복합슬러리를 이용한 반응소결 SiC 재료의 제조

이상필 대한기계학회 2005 大韓機械學會論文集A Vol.29 No.3

전자상거래 활성화 및 인력개발 기회

이상필 한국산업교육학회 1998 산업교육연구 Vol.4 No.-

學業優秀兒와 不振兒의 欲求 및 性格特性 比較 硏究

李相弼 서원대학교 학생생활연구소 1994 학생생활연구 Vol.12 No.-

The Purpose of this study was to investigate the Correlation between needs and Personality traits of High Academic Achiever and Under-Achiever. The major research problems of the study were to 1. the Correlation between needs and personality traits, 2. deference of the correlation between High Academic Achiever and Under-Achiever The Subjects of the Study were 164 boys (high academic-Achiever 79, Under-Achiever 85) of Secondary School in Cheong-Ju city and Cheong Oun rural area. The measuring instruments used for study were Needs and personality test, standard a questionnaire The results of this study can be summarized as follows; 1. The Correlation between needs and academic achievement were significant to middle school students 2. The correlation between personality and Academic Achievement were no significant differences between High Academic Achiever and Under-Achiever.

瞻慕堂 林芸과 南冥 曺植과의 關係

이상필 경상국립대학교 경남문화연구원 2017 남명학연구 Vol.54 No.-

Chem-mo-dang Lim Un(1517-1572) is a Confucian scholar who lived in Joseon Dynasty period An-eum Woojung together with his brother Kalchun Lim Hoon(1500-1584). Chem-mo-dang was renowned as a symbol of Practical Confucianism by receiving Hyo-ja Jeong-nyeo and was canonized into Yong-mun Seo-won(龍門書院) which was holding memorial rites for Il-du Jeong Yeo-chang(1450-1504). As 『San-hae saw-oo yeon-on-rok(山海師友淵源錄)』 contains that he and his brother Kal-chun lived together with Nam-myong Jo Sik (1501-1572) who was intimately close with them, when considering the difference in age or inferring the accomplishments of the studies, there is nothing intrinsically wrong with being a literator of Nam-myong. Nevertheless, 『Chem-mo-dang Collections(瞻慕堂集)』 not only included the writings expressing the teacher and student relationship with Toe-gye Yi Hwang(1501-1570), Chem-mo-dang epitaph edited by the posterity clearly revealed that he was a literator of Toe-gye. However, it is difficult to find the writings of Chem-mo-dang himself which could conjecture the relationship with Nam-myong . The fact that Nam-myong met Chem-mo-dang in the age of 66 was recorded by several Nam-myong School scholars, but there's no saling that they have met each other before. As Chem-mo-dang was 50 in 1566, it seems difficult that the advice of Nam-myong impressed Chem-mo-dang deeply to change the direction of his studies. Even so, 『Chem-mo-dang Collections』 cannot reply to 『Nam-myong Chronology』 contending that it is normal to contain the meeting of Nam-myong and Chem-mo-dang. What is it for? There is a critical reason that the grandchild of Chem-mo-dang Lim-gok Lim Jin-bu was the husband of great-granddaughter of Gu-am Yi-jung whom Nam-myong has renounced their friendships. Among the records of Gu-am Yi-jung of 『San-hae sa-woo yeon-on-rok(山海師友淵源錄)』 edited by Mu-min-dang Park In who was close to Lim-gok, there was a request to directly erase the record related to an unchaste woman treason. After that, Lim Yeo-baek, the son of Lim-gok, made a desperate and firm request to Park Man, the son of Mu-min-dang, by letter. Lim Yeo-baek served as a director of Gugye Seowon holding a memorial rites for Guam, requested and negotiated the plaque of Gugye Seowon for Guam, and addressed a memorial to ask for the posthumous title to Guam. Jeong In-hong was the person who kept the records of Guam in 『Nam-myong Collections(南冥集)』, and he is a teacher of Mu-min-dang and is also related to Lim-gok. Moreover, as two sons of Lim-gok all became Literator of Mu-min-dang, it would have been difficult for Nae-am to criticize Lim-gok's sons as he was the teacher of teacher. However, after Jeong In-hong was executed as a rebel from Injo coup, he was not identified, and the country as well as Gang-woo Confucian society also accepted and criticized Jeong In-hong as a rebel after 1650s. Therefore, Lim-gok family tried not to relate with Nam-myong all they can when publishing 『Chem-mo-dang Collections(瞻慕堂集)』. 瞻慕堂 林芸(1517-1572)은 조선 시대 安陰 葛溪에 살았던 儒學者로, 그 형 葛川 林薰(1500-1584)과 함께, 살아서 孝子 旌閭를 받아 당대에 實踐儒學의 表象으로 알려져 사후에 一蠹 鄭汝昌(1450-1504)을 제향 하던 龍門書院에 배향된 인물이다. 그는 자신의 형 갈천과 친밀하게 교제하였던 南冥 曺植(1501-1572)을 從遊하였던 것으로 『山海師友淵源錄』에 收錄되어 있는바, 학문의 성취와 관련지어 유추해 보거나 연령의 차이를 감안한다면, 남명의 문인이라 하더라도 조금도 이상할 것이 없을 것이다. 그런데도 『瞻慕堂集』을 살펴보면, 退溪 李滉(1501-1570)과의 師承 관계를 표현하고 있는 글들이 곳곳에 보일 뿐만 아니라 후인이 찬술한 瞻慕堂 墓道文字에서도 退溪의 門人임은 분명히 밝히고 있으나, 南冥과의 관련성을 짐작할 만한 첨모당 본인의 글은 쉽게 찾아내기가 어려운 것이 사실이다. 남명이 66세 때 첨모당을 만난 사실이 남명학파의 여러 기록에 남아 전하고 그 이전에 만나서 담화를 나눈 기록은 전하지 않는다. 1566년이라면 첨모당이 50세 때이니, 첨모당의 학문에 대한 남명의 충고가 첨모당에게 깊은 감명을 주어 첨모당의 학문의 방향이 크게 바뀌었다고 보기는 어려웠을 것이다. 그렇다 하더라도 『남명연보』에 전하는 남명과 첨모당의 만남 정도는 싣는 것이 정상이 아닌가 하는 데 대해서는 지금 전하는 『첨모당집』이 아무런 답변을 하지 못하고 있다. 이것은 무엇 때문인가? 이는 첨모당의 손자 임곡 임진부가 남명이 절교했던 귀암 이정의 曾孫壻라는 데 결정적인 이유가 있었다. 林谷이 자신과 친하게 지내던 无悶堂 朴絪이 편찬한 『山海師友淵源錄』의 龜巖 李楨 부분의 기록 가운데 淫婦獄事와 관련된 기록을, 일찍이 직접 刪削해 주기를 요청한 적이 있었고, 뒤에는 林谷의 아들 林汝栢이 无悶堂의 아들 朴曼에게 편지로 간곡하고 단호하게 요청하고 있다. 임여백은 귀암을 향사하고 있는 龜溪書院의 院長을 지냈고, 귀암을 위해 귀계서원의 賜額을 요청하여 성사시켰으며 귀암의 시호를 요청하는 상소도 작성하여 올린 적이 있었다. 『남명집』에 귀암 관련 기록을 남긴 인물은 내암 정인홍인데, 정인홍이 무민당의 스승일 뿐만 아니라 임곡과도 관련이 없다고 할 수 없다. 그런데다 임곡의 두 아들이 모두 무민당의 문인이 되었으니, 내암은 임곡의 아들들로서는 스승의 스승인 셈이어서 비판하기 어려운 측면이 있었을 것이다. 그러나 정인홍이 마침 인조반정으로 인해 적신으로 처형당한 뒤 신원되지 못하였을 뿐만 아니라, 1650년대 이후에는 나라에서뿐만 아니라 강우 유림 사회에서도 정인홍을 적신으로 인정하고 비난하기 시작하였다. 그러니 임곡 집안의 처지에서는 『첨모당집』을 간행할 때에 될 수 있는 한 남명과 관련을 짓지 않으려 했던 것이다.

性格의 構成要素와 發達에 影響을 미치는 環境要因

李相弼 서원대학교 학생생활연구소 1992 학생생활연구 Vol.10 No.-

Personality formation interaction through of hereditary requisites and environment and requisites of three(Situation) Need is primary requisites it constituent. Personality is Changeable with Self a circumference environment and Self-conception about one's owe self. therefore hereditary and environment is one requisites thinkable to personality adherence influence upon, therefore personality ought to believe in changable from with one's owe self what recognize and on the basis at of it, and anticipate what is to come changable. “Personality is in a state of flowing”

alpha-아밀라제 페밀리

이상필,Lee, Sang-Pil 한국주류산업협회 1994 주류산업 Vol.14 No.3