慶北地方의 主要果物에 關한 實態調査硏究

崔弘基,柳時中,鄭喆洙,夫光植,邢基柱,安在求,趙炳夏,羅慶洙,崔榮卿,文忠坤,朴慶九 慶北大學校 生産技術硏究所 1969 生産技術 Vol.3 No.-

第一章 硏究目的 및 重要性 慶尙北道는 韓國사과 總生量의 78%를 凌駕하는 年 137,000톤의 사과를 生産하고 있으며 이 産業을 經營하는 사람은 約 10,000名으로서 年 30億원 以上의 收入을 올리고 있다. 사과 生産 以外에도 이 地方은 約 220 ha의 배와 約 1,900ha의 복숭아 및 約 500 ha의 포도를 生産하고 있으며 이 세가지 果樹業은 5億원의 農家所得을 올려 주고 있다. 이와 같이 農村과 都市를 막론하고 果樹業이 이 地方에 미치는 經濟的 影響이 매우 큼에도 不拘하고 尙今 그 栽培方法, 技術, 및 加工의 諸面에 있어서 舊態依然한 傳統的인 方法을 免하지 못하고 있는 實情이다. 바야흐로 經濟開發 途上에 있는 우리나라에 있어서 이와 같이 重要한 이 生産地域의 主要 果樹業에 關한 諸局面을 調査하여 그 實態를 把握함으로서 日益 變遷하는 市場에 對處할 將來의 計劃樹立에 도움이 되는 確固한 基礎를 마련하는 것이 本硏究의 目的이다. 그리하여 本硏究는 慶北地方의 사과, 배, 복숭아 및 포도 果樹業의 實態를 把握하는데 그 目的이 있으나 將來의 計劃樹立에 對한 基礎를 마련하기 爲하여 特히 다음의 諸問題를 밝히는데 重點을두었다. 1) 現存의 傳統的인 農事方式을 改良하는데 必要한 社會經濟的인 諸要因 2) 經營知識과 技術의 改善에 關聯된 經濟的 諸要因 3) 生産費를 낮출 수 있는 改良된 裁培方法과 技術의 硏究 4) 都市 및 國內 國際的으로 보다 利益을 올릴 수 있는 사과 市場開拓을 爲해 必要한 諸條件 5) 將來의 生産및 販賣를 爲한 새로운 果樹栽培의 方向模索 6) 關聯된 第二次 産業 振興에 對한 經濟的 可能性에 關한 展望 第二章 果樹農業의 發展 第一節 韓國에 있어서 果樹農業의 發展 現在 우리 나라에서 企業的으로 栽培하고 있는 現生 果種은 大槪가 1900年을 前後로한 韓末에 海外에서 導入한 品種이며 外國人 宣敎師 乃至 日本의 農業移民들이 企業的 果園을 開設하면서 栽培하기 始作한 것이다. 사과園은 1901年 鎭南浦에서 처음 始作되었고 天律 水密桃와 日本梨는 1905年 구포에서 처음 始作되었으며 포도園은 1900年에 水原, 1905年에 安養에 심었던 것이 그 嚆矢이다. 第二節 慶北果樹農業의 變遷過程 1910~1966年 까지 56年間 果樹栽培 面積의 變動을 보면 세번의 激增期가 있었다. 第一期는 1930年~1948年까지로써 이때는 滿洲事變과 中日戰爭 및 太平洋戰爭으로 因한 果實需要의 激增때문이었고 第二期는 1956~1959年까지로써 6.25動亂의 戰災 復舊期에 該當된다. 第三期는 1963年 以後로써 高度 經濟成長에 따른 사과 消費人口의 激增 때문으로 解釋된다. 本道는 解方前까지 全國 第四位의 地位에 있었으며 解放以後는 繼續 全國一位를 維持하고 있다. 本道는 사과 單一耕作에 치우친 나머지 배 복숭아 포도의 栽培는 매우 劣勢하다. 解放前에는 사과 다음으로 배의 栽培가 比較的 盛했으나 現在는 배가 점차 後退하고 복숭아 포도가 늘어나고 있다. 사과의 品種別 趨勢를 보면 國光 골덴 印度가 漸次 늘어 남에 反해서 紅玉과 祝은 漸次 줄어 들고 있다. 배는 日本系統의 「長十郞」「晩三吉」「今村秋」「二十世紀」等을 많이 栽培하고 있거니와 「長十郞」은 1930年代 後半,「晩三吉」은 1920年代 後半, 「二十世紀」는 1930年代 前半부터 急速히 普及되기 始作했다. 本道 사과園의 樹令別 構成을 보면 20年數(1965年 現在) 以上의 栽培面積이 全面積의 50% 以上이며 比較的 生産性이 높은 時期에 있다고 할 수 있다. 地域別로 보면 大邱, 浦項, 慶州, 達城, 慶山, 永川, 高靈은 이미 衰退期에 있으며 大都市 附近에서는 蔬寀園이나 宅地로 轉換되고 있는 경우도 많다. 金泉, 安東, 靑松, 金陵, 尙州, 聞慶, 醴泉, 榮州, 奉化, 蔚珍 等地는 新興地域으로서 現在는 生産性이 낮으나 10~15年 後에는 大量의 收穫을 올릴 수 있을 것이다. 軍威, 義城, 盈德, 月城, 淸道, 星州, 漆谷, 善山 等地는 成木과 幼木의 交替가 每年 均等하게 生長하고 있는 地域이며 生産量에는 큰 變動을 期待할 수 없는 곳이다. 本道는 現在 樹令 20年 以上의 栽培面積이 卓越함으로 이들의 老衰分을 繼續代充하여야 한다. 사과園 擴張方向을 보면 1940年까지는 大邱, 慶山, 永川, 慶州, 浦項, 盈德, 高靈, 達城에서 사과 栽培가 가장 盛했고 1945年까지는 軍威, 漆谷, 淸道, 迎日, 英陽에 各各 사과 栽培가 擴大되었다. 1950年에 이르러서는 安東, 月城, 蔚珍이 새로운 사과 栽培地로 登場하며, 1955年까지는 金川, 金陵, 星州, 義城, 安東, 榮川에 擴大된다. 現在는 本道 全域에서 사과 栽培가 行하여지고 있거니와 特히 中央線 方向으로 顯著히 擴張되고 있다. 第三章 果園의 分布 및 그 立地 本道 사과園은 大體로 琴湖江流域과 兄山江流域 洛東江中流 및 渭川流域에 顯著한 分布를 나타내고 있으며, 다른 한편으로는 中央線 京釜線 大邱線等의 鐵道를 따라 果園의 分布가 顯著함을 볼 수 있다. 복숭아와 포도의 栽培는 主로 大都市周邊에서 局地的으로 행하여 지고 있다. 主要果物의 耕作이 卓越한 곳은 主産地로 設定하여 支援育成시킬 必要가 있다. 栽培面積이 넓고 耕地面積에 對한 果樹面積率이 높으며 成木이 越等한 곳을 該果種에 對한 主産地로 보았거니와 사과의 경우 大邱, 慶州, 永川, 慶山, 淸道, 漆谷이 主産地로 抽出되었고 軍威, 安東, 義成, 月城, 星州, 金陵, 善山, 榮州는 將次 有望한 곳으로 나타나있다. 복숭아의 主産地는 大邱, 盈德, 慶山으로 나타났으며 將次에는 月城, 淸道, 金陵, 榮州, 奉化가 有望하다. 배의 主産地는 盈德, 金陵, 尙州, 포도는 月城으로 나타나 있다. 果園의 位置는 終局的으로 交通條件에 影響되거니와 636 個所의 標本調査에 나타난 結果에 依하면 大邱 浦項間의 大邱線 沿線에 該當하는 地域에서는 「交通條件이 有利하다」는 應答者의 數가 斷然많고 「不利하다」고 應答한 數字는 榮州,義城,安東等 大邱의 北部로 갈수록 높다. 市場과의 距離를 보면 應答者의 50% 以上이 3km以內에 果園을 所有하고 있으며 平均 距離가 가장 먼 곳으로 나타난 곳이 慶山郡 南山, 慈인, 押梁으로 나타나 있다. 本道의 氣候는 사과 栽培의 理想限界內에 들어가지만 한 가지 缺點은 生育期에 있어서 高溫量指數가 높다는 것이다. 따라서 適應溫度가 높은 國光以外는 오히려 本道의 北部가 氣候上으로는 더욱 有利한 셈이며 如斯한 缺點은 氣溫의 日較差가 크기 때문에 多少 補塡되고 있다. 降水量의 50%가 6,7,8月에 集中되고 있는 本道의 경우에는 決코 물(水)의 不足을 느끼지 않거니와 이 무렵에 오래 繼續되는 長霖(溫帶低氣壓前線)은 農藥撒布나 紙袋 使用에 不便을 招來하고 土壤流失의 危險이 따르게 된다. 理想的 日照時數가 210時間인데 對하여 大邱의 그것은 9月이 233時間, 10月 259時間이므로 果實의 成熟, 着色等에는 滿足스러운 條件이라고 볼 수 있다. 本道 果園의 70%가량은 平地 果園에 屬한다. 그러나 榮州地方의 果園은 63%가 傾斜地에 入地하여 있으며 이것은 同時에 灌漑條件의 不良에 反映되고 있다. 地形의 高度는 各種 經營上의 損失을 免치 못할 뿐 아니라 氣溫의 遞減때문에 어느 限界高度 以上에서는 사과 栽培가 不可能하다. 本道 果園의 壓倒的比率이 海拔 40~80m에 位置하여 있고 가장 높은 곳에 位置한 果園도 250m 線上에 있다. 그러나 將次 土地利用의 集約度가 加重되고 山地利用이 活潑해질것을 豫想하여 사과栽培의 適正高度를 設定할 必要가 있다. 年平均 氣溫(y℃)과 緯度(x˚)와의 關係式인 y=-0.898x+45.1에 本道 各地域의 緯度를 代入하여 얻은 適正 및 限界高度는 淸道地方에서는 適正高度 800m에, 限界高度 1200m 로 나타나 있으며 永川, 漆谷附近에서는 700m 및 1,100m, 安東, 店村附近에서는 500m 및 900m로 算出되었다. 따라서 安東보다 北쪽에 位置한 榮州 豊基의 경우는 이미 400~500m를 넘었으면 適正栽培가 困難하게 되는 것이다. 사과 栽培에 適當한 土壤은 表土가 1.5~2m程度로 두텁고 排水가 良好한 保水力있는 土壤이어야 한다. 따라서 土性으로 보아서는 壤土가 가장 바람직하나 本道의 標本調査에 依하면 砂土와 砂礫土가 62%의 壓倒的인 比率로 나와 있고 特히 義城, 軍威, 安東, 永川, 尙州, 金泉, 慶州, 安康 等地는 더욱 卓越하다. 第四章 果園의 裁培方法 및 技術 第一節 品種構成 果樹園의 品種構成을 調査한바 사과에 있어서는 國光과 紅玉이 80% 以上을 占하고 있으며 新品種의 栽植面積은 極히 적음을 알 수 있다. 배에 있어서는 長十郞, 晩三吉, 今村秋, 新高가 主品種으로 되어 있다. 복숭아는 白桃, 大統領, 金桃, 上海水密桃等이 主品種으로 되어 있으며 品種에 對한 栽培者의 認識이 희박하였다. 포도는 거의 全果園이 캄벨 어리 單一 品種이였다. 앞으로는 熟期와 品質이 相異한 新品種의 混植이 有利할 것으로 믿어진다. 第二節 肥培土壤管理 및 灌漑 1. 施肥에 있어서는 거의 모든 果樹園이 堆肥를 單用 혹은 鷄糞, 粕類와 混用하고 있으며, 化學肥料로서 지나친 量을 施用하고 있는 園이 많은 것으로 判斷되어 今後 施肥量에 對한 많은 試驗硏究가 이루어져야 할 것으로 생각된다. 2. 土壤管理方法은 大部分이 淸耕法을 實施하고있으나 사과와 배에 있어서는 앞으로 堆肥 價格이 앙등하여 堆肥 施用이 困難해졌을 때는 반드시 草生栽培를 實施하여 有機質을 土壤에 補充해야 할 것으로 생각된다. 3. 灌漑施設은 사과園에 있어서는 約 80% 배園에 있어서는 64%가 具備하고 있다. 灌水量, 時期, 方法等에 對한 硏究結果가 적으므로 今後 이 方面에 對한 많은 試驗硏究가 必要하다. 第三節 生理的 障害 및 病蟲害 1. 生産障害가 甚하게 發生하는 사과園이 많이 있으나 적극적인 對策을 강구하는 栽培者가 적었다. 2. 病蟲害에는 사과의 炭疽病과 엽비, 배의 黑星病과 心食蟲, 복숭아는 縮葉病과 엽비, 포도의 炭疽病과 멸구가 各各 가장 많은 被害 病蟲으로 나타났으며 一般的으로 病蟲害에 對한 栽培者의 知識이 희박하다. 3. 農藥使用에 있어서 殺蟲劑로서는 호리돌과 파라치온이 가장 많이 쓰여지고 있으며 殺菌劑로는 볼도액이 가장 많이 愛用되고 있으나 藥性과 그合理的 使用法에 對한 知識이 一般的으로 貧弱하다. 第四節 貯藏 및 選果 1. 貯藏施設은 사과園의 約 55%, 배園의 76%가 具備하고 있으나 貯藏規模가 적고 斷熱裝置도 되어있지 않는 흙벽돌 또는 씨멘트 벽돌을 壁材로 한것이 大部分이다. 2. 果實의 選果가 單獨으로 實施되고 있으므로 規格의 統一이 어려울뿐 아니라 選果勞力을 많이 要하므로 共同選果場의 設置가 時急히 要請된다. 第五節 基他 몇가지 問題點 1. 사과의 段當收量은 外國에 比해 낮지 않는 것으로 믿어지며 오히려 過多着果에 依한 隔年結果와 品質의 低下가 招來되고 있는 것으로 믿어 진다. 2. 大部分이 零細 經營으로 되어 있으므로 防除, 灌漑, 機械施設, 販賣 分野의 協業化가 必要하여, 大體로 그들이 協業化에 贊同하고 있으므로 協業化를 단계적으로 推進시키는 方策이 講究되어야 한다. 3. 慶北 地區의 果樹栽培面積은 우리나라 果樹栽培面積의 35%에 達하며 그中 사과面積은 62%를 차지하고 있으나 이곳에 알맞는 栽培技術을 改善普及할 수 있는 專擔 硏究指導機關이 없어 解決해야 할 많은 問題點이 남아 있는 實情이다. 그러므로 早速히 果樹에 對한 硏究指導를 專擔할 수 있는 機關의 設置가 要望된다. 第五章 果園의 經營分析 第一節 經營에 關한 經濟的 技術的 要因 사과園의 경우 理想的인 經營規模는 中規模인 1,500坪~6,000坪으로 나타났고 經營形態는 사과만을 專業으로 하는 果樹數가 全體標本中 17.9% 나 되어 他果樹業에 比하여 專業化率이 높다. 收益率面에서는 300坪未滿의 小經營에서는 赤字, 100坪未滿에서는 段當收益率이 赤字는 아니나, 他作物에 比하여 낮고, 또 中規模보다도 9,000坪 以上의 大規模經營이 段當收益率이 높다는 사실로 미루어 보아 사과園의 경우에도 規模의 經濟가 作用하고 있다고 할 것이다. 그러나 市場條件이라든가 一般穀物의 耕作地問題와의 關係등 國民經濟的인 觀點에서 볼 때는 全사과園의 大經營化하는 것이 有利하다고는 斷定지울 수가 없는데 問題點이 있다고 할 것이다. 經營費面에서는 農藥費가 차지하는 比重이 가장 높고 다음이 肥料代, 勞賃의 順으로 되어 있다. 借入金金利가 豫想外로 높은 것도 問題點이며 이는 私債依存度가 높은데서 緣由하는 것으로 본다. 資金調達面에서 나타난 實態는 他人資金에 依存하고 있는 果園數가 49.6%나 되고 그 大部分이 私債에 依存하고 있다. 金融機關을 通한 低利資金의 融資혜택을 입고 있는 果園數는 全體의 18.3%에 不過했다. 雇傭面의 實態는 自家勞動依存度가 55.6%이고 나머지는 雇傭勞動에 依存하고 있는 實情이나, 最近 農業勞動力이 減少傾向에 있는 事實에 비추어 經營의 機械化問題가 必要하다고 생각된다. 農機具保有狀況을 보면 3,000坪 以上의 果園의 경우 發動機의 保有果園數가 全體의 80% 以上, 動力분무기도 全體果園의 3/2 以上이 保有하고 있어 果園의 規模가 커질수록 農機具 裝備率은 良好하다. 이것은 經營의 機械化와 經營規模의 擴大가 正의 相關關係를 이루고 있음을 뜻하는 것이라 할 것이다. 따라서 全果園의 經營規模의 擴大가 困難한 경우 協業化에 의한 農機具의 共同利用等의 經營方案이 推進되어야 하리라고 생각된다. 以上 사과의 경우에 比하여 포도, 복숭아, 배의 경우는 經營規模가 작고, 專業化率도 낮고, 收益性, 資金, 雇傭, 農機具裝備率面에서도 各各 零細性, 保守性을 免치 못하고 있는 實情에 있다. 第二節 市場分析 1. 國內市場 우리나라 果物의 商品化率은 95%라는 高率을 나타내고 있으며, 果物의 國內消費도 生産의 增大에 比例하여 急速히 增大하고 있어 需要展望은 대단히 밝다. 果物生産農家에서 果物을 販賣하는 方法을 보면 복숭아의 販賣는 産地委託販賣하는 果園이 가장 많고, 배의 경우는 果園에서 直賣하는 果園이 가장 많다. 한편 포도의 販賣에는 産地組合을 通하여 共同販賣하는 果園이 가장 많고 産地委託販賣하는 果園數가 比較的 적은 것이 特徵이다. 사과의 流通費用은 農協系統組織을 通하는 것이 商人組織보다는 有利하다는 것을 알면서도 生産者들이 商人에게 販賣委託을 하지 않을 수 없는 것은 그들이 産地委託商으로 부터 營農資金을 供給받고 있기 때문이다. 2. 사과輸出과 海外市場 사과 生産量은 急增하고 있으나 輸出은 不振하여 사과 生産量에 對한 輸出量의 比率은 1~2%線을 넘지 못하고 있으며 解放後의 最高記錄을 올린 1967年에도 겨우 3,185M/T에 不過하여 解放前 輸出量의 2割程度 밖에 되지 않는 實情이다. 現在 韓國사과에 가장 主要한 輸出市場은 臺灣市場인데 臺灣輸出에서 한국사과는 箱子當 82원50전의 赤字를 내고 있는데 이 損失은 販賣代錢의 40%該當量의 Banana輸入權을 賦與함으로서 補償되고 잇다. 香港은 1965年에 31,495M/T의 사과를 輸入하기 때문에 韓國사과는 1965年 以後 香港市場에 進出못하고 있는 實情임으로 將次 사과 輸出市場을 英國, 佛蘭西, 西獨等과 같이 사과의 世界交易量의 80%를 輸入하고 있는 西歐地域으로 轉換하도록 硏究하여야 할 것이다. 사과輸出에 있어서 問題가 되는 것은 價格과 品質인데 價格面에서는 國際市場價格이 國內市場價格보다 약간 낮기 때문에 適切한 補償策이 講究되어야 할 것이고, 品質面에서는 選別을 嚴格히 하고 檢査를 철저히 하는 同時에 包裝을 改善하여 신선도를 높여야 할 것이다. 第三節 加工産業의 現況과 育成可能性 果物의 加工生産量은 最近 增大되고 있다. 그러나 加工工場의 稼動率은 他製造業에 比해서 대단히 낮다. 調査한 8個工場中 한 工場만이 年中 約70%程度의 稼動率을 올리고 있으며 나머지 工場들은 40%以下의 低率을 보이고 있다. 大部分의 경우 그것도 水産物이 主加工品이며 果實을 水産物의 生産이 없는 中間期間의 橋樑的 役割밖에 하고 있지 않다. 그러므로 農産物單一加工으로 年中稼動을 하기 爲하여 사과와 같은 저장성있는 果物의 加工에 있어서는 工場內에 저장고를 備置하는 方法도 있겠으나 經濟性面에서 볼 때 우리나라에서는 水産物과 農産物 및 其他生産物을 倂行的으로 加工하는 方法을 장려하는 것이 要望된다. 사과의 加工量은 慶北地方사과 生産量의 0.3%에 不過하여 복숭아는 3%가 加工되고 있으나 加工用과 生食用에 많은 差異가 있으므로 加工用品種의 集團栽培가 要望된다. 포도의 加工量은 生産量의 15.8%에 達하고 있어 栽培量이 增加되지 않는 限 加工用으로는 限度에 達하고 있다. 原價構成에 있어서는 直接材料費가 販賣價格의 70%內外의 高率을 차지하고 있으며 直接材料費中에서 果物原料費가 차지하는 比率을 포도製品이 27% 其他 製品이 20%內外이며 全體 比率로 보아 容器(can)費가 차지하는 比重이 커서 大體로 販賣價格의 1/3程度이다. 關聯된 二次産業이 切實히 要望된다. 第六章 果樹産業의 社會經濟的分析 第一節 標本調査地域의 性格 慶北一圓의 사과果園의 標本調査地域을 1) 土性 2) 灌漑條件 3) 地域性 4) 果樹樹令의 4 가지 指標에 依하여 分類하여 보면 五個類型의 地域이 成立할 수 있는데 現在 道內에서 사과의 主産地로 알려진 地域이 上記 4 가지 條件을 가장 잘 갖추고 있고 따라서 그러한 條件이 具現되지 않은 地域일수록大體로 그에 比例하여 果園의 數와 規模가 줄어드는 傾向이 나타나고 있다. 第二節 經營主의 經營栽培 經驗 (1) 經營主의 屬性을 보면 年令에 있어서 사과의 경우 40代 50代가 各己 約 30%로 가장 많고 30代~50代의 靑壯年層이 全體의 約 85%를 차지하고 있으며 이러한 傾向은 他果種에 있어서도 類似하다. 學歷에 있어서는 사과, 배의 경우 國民學敎以下가 約 6割을 占하고 있는 低水準이며 복숭아 포도는 이보다도 若干 낮다. (2) 經營主의 栽培經驗에 있어서 사과는 10年以上의 經驗者가 72%나 되고 배의 경우도 이와 恰似하며 복숭아 포도는 大體로 이들 보다 栽培經驗이 훨씬 얕다. (3) 經營主의 栽培技術은 主로 他果園 또는 父兄의 果園에서 習得하였고(사과의 경우 64%이고 他果種도 비슷함) 敎育이나 書籍을 通하여 習得한 經營主는 적으며 農事에 관한 冊子, 文獻의 保有者數는 比較的 적은 便이다. 第三節 果樹의 經營 栽培에 對한 構想 (1) 果園主가 現在 經營하고 있는 果園을 繼續 經營할 態度를 表示한 經營主의 比率은 사과를 비롯하여 모두 80%以上으로서 果園主의 大部分이 自己生業에 對하여 安定感을 가지고 있으며 어느 程度 滿足을 느끼고 있는 것으로 推測된다. (2) 果園의 規模에 對한 果園主의 態度는 一般的으로 모든 果種에 있어서 現在의 規模보다 늘이고저 하는 共通的인 傾向을 나타내고 있는데 이를 現在의 規模와 關聯지워 보면 사과 및 배의 경우 大體로 1,500~3,000坪을 分崎點으로 그보다 큰 果園主는 現狀維持를 願하고 그 보다 작은 果園主는 늘이려고 하는 경향이 强하다. 한편 복숭아 및 포도는 3,000~6,000坪을 境界로 하여 그 보다 큰 果園과 작은 果園主의 態度에 있어서 사과의 경우와 같은 경향을 보여주고 있다. (3) 現在 栽培하고 있는 品種中에서 늘이거나 줄이거나 하고 싶은 品種을 調査하여 果園數로 그 比重을 보건데 사과의 경우 祝, 紅玉은 줄이고 싶어하는 果園數가 많고 國光은 規模의 擴張과 縮小를 바라는 果園數가 各己 많은 比重을 차지하고 있으나 縮小를 願하는 果園數가 若干 많은 편이고 스타킹, 골덴, 印度에 이르러서는 擴張을 希望하는 果園이 壓倒的으로 많으며 그 中에서도 골덴, 印度는 스타킹에 比하여 그러한 경향이 더욱 濃厚하다. 배의 경우는 長十郞, 八雲을 除外하고는 多少間에 規模의 擴張을 希望하는 果園數가 많고 그 中에서도 晩三吉은 가장 두드러진 傾向을 보여준다. 한편 복숭아는 全品種을 通하여 擴張과 縮小를 願하는 果園數가 同等하나, 品種別로 보면 白桃는 擴張을 願하고 大統領은 縮小를 바라는 果園數가 各己 優勢하다. 포도는 청포도를 除外하고 모두 늘이기를 願하고 있는데 그 中에서도 ?? 黑포도 等이 代表的이다. (4) 果園經營의 協業化에 對해서는 大體로 좋은 反應(사과의 경우 66%)을 보여 주고 있으며 協業化가 必要하다고 느끼는 分野는 藥劑撒布를 으뜸으로 灌漑 機械施設 販賣分野 等이다. (5) 果園經營의 機械化의 必要性에 對해서도 좋은 反應(사과의 경우 73%)을 보여주고 있으며 機械化의 必要를 느끼는 分野는 主로 藥劑撒布 및 灌漑施設이다. 第四節 農業關係機關에 對한 態度 (1) 果樹業者의 協同機關인 능금協同組合의 加入率은 果種에 따라 差異를 나타내어 사과 배의 果園主는 거의 全部가(사과의 경우 88.8%) 加入하고 있는데 對하여 복숭아 포도의 경우에는 그 比重이 낮다. 果園主들이 大體로 능금協動組合에 對하여 좋게 評價를 하고 있는 셈이며 좋은 點으로는 主로 藥劑 肥料購入을 들고 있고 한편 組合의 運營上 나쁜 點으로서는 가장 두드러진 것으로서 肥料 藥劑分培의 失期를 들고 있다. (2) 果園主들의 農協共販場에 對한 評價는 大體로 좋은 편이다. 共販場運營에 있어서의 좋은 點으로서 그들은 價格의 公正을 들고 있고 나쁜 點으로서는 共販場의 處事가 生産者爲主가 아니고 官僚的이라고 指摘하고 있다. 한편 農村指導所로 부터 指導를 받고 있는 果園主는 少數(사과의 경우 32.5%)에 不過하고 農村指導所에 對한 評價 또한 좋지 못하다. (3) 果園主의 政府 및 其他 公共機關에 對한 要望事項에 있어서 사과 및 배의 果園主는 첫째로 價格安定面에 對한 政府機關의 對策을 願하고 있고 다음으로 사과는 資金支援, 배는 技術開發에 對한 要望의 率이 높은데 對하여 복숭아 果園主는 資金融資와 價格安定, 포도의 경우는 資金融資와 技術開發에 對하여 各己 보다 많은 支援을 바라고 있어 이에 對한 當局의 對應策이 要望된다. 第七章 建議事項 Ⅰ. 立地 및 分布에 關하여 가. 氣候上으로 보아 本道全體가 사과 栽培의 理想限界圈內에 들어 가므로 北部地方에도 土質關係가 適合한 地域이며 사과栽培를 勸奬하는 것이 要望된다. 나. 慶北 北部地方의 山地사과園을 造成할 경우 地形의 高度에 留意해야 할 것이다. 다. 新果園開發時에는 適地性의 判斷指導가 要望된다. Ⅱ. 果園의 栽培方法및 技術改善에 關하여 가. 各果種을 通하여 旣存品種이 大部分을 占하고 있으므로 앞으로는 市場性을 考慮하여 熟期가 相異하고 品質이 優秀한 新品種에 依한 代體 乃至 混植이 要望된다. 나. 施肥에 있어서 1) 人糞尿를 많이 使用하는 果園에 있어서는 土壤의 酸性化를 防止하기 爲하여 石灰質肥料의 使用이 要望되며 2) 化學肥料를 많이 使用하고 있는데 이에 依한 適當施肥量에 對한 試驗硏究가 時急히 要望된다. 다. 淸耕法을 實施하고 있는 果園이 많은데 特히 사과와 배에 있어서는 草生栽培를 實施하는 것이 要望된다. 라. 사과를 除外한 他果種에 對한 灌漑施設의 强化가 要請되며 사과에 있어서도 灌水量, 時期方法等에 關한 試驗硏究가 必要하다. 마. 生理的 障害의 原因과 防除法에 對한 知識이 大端히 不足함으로 이에 對한 敎育과 指導가 要請된다. 바. 病蟲害에 對한 知識도 亦是 稀薄하므로 關係機關의 敎育 指導가 要望된다. 사. 藥劑에 對한 知識의 缺如로 藥劑를 過用 或은 誤用하는 경우가 많다. 그러므로 藥性과 農藥의 合理的인 使用方法에 關한 敎育과 指導를 强化할 必要가 있다. 아. 過多着果로 因한 隔年結果와 品質의 低下가 招來되고 있는 處地이므로 앞으로는 質의 向上에 努力하는 것이 必要하다. 자. 사과의 경우 半數가 貯藏施設이 없으며, 있다 해도 規模가 작고 貧弱한 것이 大部分이다. 零細經營者를 爲하여 當局의 長期低利融資의 支援이라든가 或은 그들의 協業에 依해서 共同施設을 함으로써 收穫期에 一時的인 過多供給에서 오는 損失을 防止하도록 해야 할 것이다. 차. 勞力의 節約과 果實의 品質規格의 統一을 爲하여 機械的인 共同選果施設이 時急히 要請된다. Ⅲ. 經營改善에 關하여 가. 調査對象果園의 經營分析 結果에 依하면 0.1ha 未滿은 赤子經營을 나타내며 3ha 以上일 때 收益性이 가장 높은 것으로 나타났다. 그러므로 小規模 果園은 적어도 1.0ha 以上으로 統合하는 方向으로 推進함과 同時에 段階的으로 協業化를 實現하여 果園의 栽培및 經營에 合理化를 期하도록 하는 硏究와 施策이 講究되어야 할 것으로 생각한다. 나. 사과園의 運轉資金中 金融機關에 依存하는 것은 18.3%에 不過하며, 그 大部分이 裝備와 施設이 貧弱하다. 따라서 金融機關을 通한 長期低利融資策을 講究함으로서 그들의 私債依存度를 낮추어 주어 栽培와 經營의 合理化를 支援하는 것이 必要하다고 생각된다. 다. 農機具 性能改善을 爲한 科學的인 硏究가 要望된다. Ⅳ. 國內外 市場改拓을 爲하여 가. 果物의 流通過程에서 中間商人을 排除하고 流通經路를 短縮하기 爲하여 産地組合을 育成하고 共販事業을 促進시켜야 한다. 나. 사과輸出에 있어서 價格面의 損失을 補償하는 適切한 措置가 講究되어야 할 것이다. 다. 사과輸出檢査에 있어서 生産地와 搬積港에서 二重으로 함으로써 發生하는 여러가지 損失을 防止하기 爲하여 蒐集現地에서 單一檢査制를 擇해야 할 것으로 생각된다. Ⅴ. 加工産業發展을 爲해서 가. 加工用 品種栽培에 對한 指導가 效率的으로 實施되어야 한다. 나. 加工品의 規格도 標準化하고 檢査機關을 一元化할 것이 要望된다. 다. 農産物 加工業의 特殊性을 考慮하여 이 産業에 對한 長期低利資金의 融資가 要望된다. 라. 農産物加工에서는 原料確保에 있어서 天然條件에 左右되는 傾向이 크므로 輸出契約을 本意아니게 履行하지 못하는 경우가 往往 發生한다. 이에 對한 適切한 行政措置가 講究되어야 한다. Ⅵ. 關係機關의 指導및 硏究機能의 强化에 關해서 가. 果園經營者의 科學的인 果樹栽培方法과 技術敎育을 效率的으로 强化하는 方策을 講究하여야 할 것이다. 나. 果樹栽培에 關한 專門硏究指導機關의 設置를 農林部 或은 道當局에 勸奬한다. 다. 主要 果樹業發展을 爲한 綜合的인 長期計劃을 樹立하여 一貫性 있는 政策을 推進할 것을 勸奬한다.

大學生의 結婚觀 變化에 關한 硏究

柳時中,金基兌 부산대학교 학생생활연구소 1976 硏究報 Vol.12 No.1

This is a comparative study of values among unmarried university students based on dated from the years 1963, 1969 and 1975. The content is as follows: Ⅰ. Attitudes on premarital dating, and values and practice regarding virginity 1) The tendency to view marriage as a necessity has undergone a significant change. In 1963,89.05 of informants saw marriage as a necessity while in 1969 and 1975 the frequency was 86.0% and 71.3%. Of course the central tendency is still in the direction of marriage as a ordinary life goal. 2) In 1963, the majority of both men and women students favored dating before marriage but men showed a greater tendency to favour dating than women. In subsequent years there was an increase in the number of women favoring dating and adecrease in the number of men. By 1975, however, the percentage of both men and women who faver premarital dating was almott the same. 3) Over all three periods the central tendency is for men to favor a double standars in regard to premarital virginity and for women to oppose a dpuble standard. However, eyer this peripd there is a slight change. Fewer men require the observance of premarital virginity for women, while at the same time women are inclined to concede a double standard to men. However, women still are in favor of premarital virginity for women. 4) During the research period. investigation indicates that more than 73% of the men had premarital sexual experience and about 10% of the women. However, the frequency with regard to women is based on interpertation of the responce "cannot reply" as indicative of premarital experience. This interpretation is of course open to question. In any event the data indicates that practice is generally congruent with value.Ⅱ. Methods and conditions for selecting a spouse . 5) In two periods (1969, 1975) the central tendency on the part of both men and women was to favor a combination of arranged marriage and a love mix match i. e., although a go-between is utilized at same point in marriage arrangements, the marriage dose not take place without some degree of positive affect on the part of both parties. However, the research reveals a change in that more women have come to prefer a love match. 6) When asked about who should make the final decision to contract a marriage both men and women were in favor of some form of cooperation between parents and children. Men tended to feel that the children should decide with parental consent: Women tended to feel that parents should decide with the childrens' consent. There is a change in value on the part of men in the direction of independent decision making, also more women now think that children should make the decision with the consent of their parents. 7) Over 10% of the respondents in all three periods indicated the necessity of using the traditional method of divination (崙合) to determine if the couple are suitable marriage partners. 8) Previously there was a tendency on the part of Korean woman to discriminate in the choice of marriage partners on the basis of order of birth, e. g. marriage to a first son was considered undesireable because it required residing with his parents and bearing additional responsibilities. Our study indicates a weakening in this tendency, toward less discrimination on the basis of birth order. 9) In regard to the appropriate age for marriage most men favored the age of 27 or 28 while women favor 23 or 24. The mode for all three periods is the same but we discovered a widening in the range of appropriate ages for men. There is no widening in the range of appropriate ages for women. 10) Asked to indicate preferrrd characteristics of potential partners both men and women gave greatest weight to the following : personal chararter, health and education in that order. In addition, physical appearance, occupation. and financial status in that order were chosen by men; women chose the same three characteristics but in the following order: occupation, fanancial status, physical appearance. Ⅲ. Plans for marital life 11) Both men and women tend to favor having just two children, the ideal being a son as first berm followed by a daughter. Women especially have come to favor smaller families. There is also a notable tendency toward no preference in regard to the sex of children. 12) Data from 1963 is also lacking regarding the question of how decisions should be made regarding family and houshold affairs. In the other two periods no change was indicated. Men continued to believe that husbands should decide after hearing the wife's opinion. Women continued to believe that both husband and wife should decide together. 13) Data from 1963 is lacking regarding opinion concerning responsibility for family income. In the other two periods the central tendency was to favor entrusting most of the income to the wife with the husband keeping a part for his own use. 14) The data from 1963 and 1969 indicates a tendency on the part of broth sexes to oppose residence with the parents of the hunband. Women show show definite tenency to favor residence will parents of the husband and men also show an increase in this regard. Perhaps, having experienced some inconvenience in following the conjugal family pattern there is some reversal in the direction of a modified form of the traditional pattern.

地域社會 組織에 있어서의 班常會 活動의 實態와 問題點 : 都市를 中心으로

柳時中,韓南濟 慶北大學校 東洋文化硏究所 1978 東洋文化硏究 Vol.5 No.-

About two years ago, "neighborhood associations", BAN SANG HOE, were organized throughout the country. The purpose of neighborhood association is to promote friendship among neighbors and to make it possible for them to solve their common problems by themselves. It should be autonomous cooperative association through which national consensus is achieved. Government authority identified the concrete purpose of neighborhood association as follows. (1) To inform people of government policy through these associations. (2) To understand the opinion of people through these associations. (3) To strengthen the administration organization in neighborhood in order to make "new village movement" successful in urban society. The purpose of paper is to find out whether these associations are successful in terms of their original motives under the financial support from Korean Government. 666 members of associations and 279 leaders of associations were selected as sample for this experimental research. The results of the research can be summarized as follows. 1. Respondents gave positive response to the frequency of monthly meeting of association. Time of meeting should be flexible according to the change of seasons. 2. Up to now, most of the participants in the monthly meeting were housewives. Husbands should be encouraged to participate more positively in the activity of neighborhood association. 3. Bulletin of neighborhood association published by Municipal Provincial Government has limited usefulness. 75% of respondent said that they read it. But mest of them doubts that it was very helpful to their daily life. 4. In order to gaurantee the efficient operation of neighborhood association, the role of leader is very important. Respondents preferred the leader with age of 30s and 40s. And they said the leaders should be elected by the members of association 5. On the whole, the activities of neighborhood association were highly evaluated by the respondents. Especially respondents said they were helpful to promote close contacts among neighbors. 80% of respondents sald they know more neighbor through the monthly meeting of neighborhood association. About 90% of respondents gave the opinion that meeting of neighborhood association should be held regularly, and other activities should also be continuous. It can be concluded that so far neighborhood association is rather successful, in terms of its main purposes but its organization and operation should be improved when it is necessary.

화이트칼러의 客觀的인 地位 : 美國을 中心으로

柳時中 慶北大學校 1963 論文集 Vol.7 No.1

In the middle class which is, accounting to Karl Marx, a negative social class, there is a new type of class, i. e., white collar workers. They have nothing to do with so-called productive methods nor employed themselves in direct productive labor, but they receive payment in the form of salary. This class has, historically, been increasing in its number rather than decreasing. More specifically, in the United States white collar workers in contrast to blue collar workers are losing their social status. However, this Phenomenon of white collar workers' loss of status does not mean that they are turning toward manual-laborers but rather the latter's social status is getting more and more improved. If we look at white collar worker's status from the point of overall class structure there are two inner characteristics, i.e,,'closed' tendency and 'open' tendency. These two characteristics are coming from the differences and varieties of occupations and 'closed' tendency in upper and 'open' tendency in lower white collar are reflected respectively. Also there is a tendency of integration of the former with capitalists and the latter with laborers. Therefore, it seems to be more adequate to divide American social class in terms of upper and loller according to upper and lower classes of white collar workers.

韓國地方大都市에 있어서의 階層構造에 관한 實證的 관한 硏究(Ⅱ) : 階層移動의 分析을 中心으로 An Analysis of Current Trends in Status Mobility

柳時中,金至變 경북대학교 1986 社會科學 Vol.5 No.-

As a following study of "An Empirical Study on the Stratified Structure of a Local Metropolis, Taegu, in Korea(I) which analyzed stratum and class consciousness of Taegu citizens," this study is to analyze the social mobility in the same community. The main content of this study is focused on the various aspects of inter-generational and intra-generational mobility. The measurement index of social mobility in this survey is the occupational rank which is most commonly used by social mobility researchers. Under these purposes and methods, the major results analyzed in this research are as follows: First, the noticeable facts in inter-generational mobility are that ① the total amount of observed mobility is very high(90%); ② the amount in mobility by both inflow and outflow level is also high; ③ both the upward and the downward mobility in any direction are open, but there are obstacles to mobility between manual and nonmanual occupations; ④ the leading cause in this open mobility is that the structural factors based on industrialization and urbanization are more salient than circular ones. Secondly, trends of intra-generational mobility seems to be limited and reduced compared to those of inter-generational mobility. The realities of trends are as follows: ① The continuing rate from first job to present one is high; ② thus, the observed mobility rate is much lower than that of inter-generational mobility; ③ this high continuing rate indicates that the first job of an individual plays a strong influence upon the present job he occupies; ④ and it is expected that the first job is affected by the levels of educational attainment.

韓國都市家族의 貧困類型

柳時中 성곡언론문화재단 1972 성곡논총 Vol.3 No.-

傳統的 儒敎集團의 價値觀과 그 現代的 變容 : 淡水會를 對象으로 한 家族關係와 配偶者 選澤 問題를 중심으로 an exarnination of its transformation and adaptation

柳時中 경북대학교 사회과학연구소 1990 社會科學硏究 Vol.6 No.-

韓國老人의 生活實態 : 家族生活을 中心으로

柳時中 慶北大學校 東洋文化硏究所 1980 東洋文化硏究 Vol.7 No.-

This paper is about the family life of the aged people in Korea aiming at such aspects as types of houshold they live, financial source of their living, their health status, relations with their children in the family, and their leisure activities. The summary of the findings are as follows: 1. Most of the aged live together with the family of their married sons and financially supported by them. This way of family life in Korea is quite different from that of the western nuclear family. 2. They think they are mostly healthy physically. In general, women do more domestic works than men do. However, both of them make very little contribution to the family living in terms of their activities of domestic as well as breadwinning affairs. 3. The communication channel of the aged people with their sons and daughters-in-law with whom they live together is maintained relatively well while that of the aged people with their sons and daughters-in-law who live separately from their parents is not maintained well. This fact contrasts with the situation in the United States. Most of the parents who live separately from their sons and daughters, however, meet their children at least once a year. If they are sick, the aged men are usually taken care of by their wives or daughters-in-law while the aged women by her sons or daughters. 4. It seems that they usually have a lot of leisure time considering the distribution of time allocated to their work(3 hours) and sleep(7 hours) per day. However, their traditional way of thinking and financial difficulties prevent them from making the most of the leisure time offered to them. They spend an average of less than 10,000 Won a month for their recreation activities. More than half of the aged people do not think that the amount of money they spend is enough for them. In conclusion, I would like to describe the general trend of the pattern of the life of the ageing in Korea. The majority of the ageing in Korea, according to this survey findings, maintain relatively close relationship with their children. And most of them live in the same household with their immediate family such as their children, daughter-in-law etc. by whom they are supported. This fact shows us that there has been almost no changes in the external life of the ageing compared to the family life of the past. Today, however, the position of the ageing in the family seems to be greatly changed from that of the traditional family. In the past, the ageing people had power to manage the household affairs in general, property to inherit to their children, and knowledge achieved from long period of their practical life experiences. All of these factors significantly contributed to the maintainance of the mutual relationship between two gonerations, the ageing and their children, when they lived together with the family of their son in the same household. Moreover, when the traditional family norms prescribing the relationship between parents and their children are strictly enforced, the position of the ageing in the family authority structure becomes significantly high and firm. The relationship between two couples, the ageing's and their son's, is basically mutual. If the benefits which result from their life of the same household are in fact the same or at least are considered to be the same between the two, the relationship between two couples are relatively happy and harmonious in the same household family life. But if the amount and direction of assistance is not offered mutually or at least considered to be one-sided, then the dependence of one upon the other increases and the dependent feels it burdensome. As the present survey indicates, most of the ageing are in fact dependent upon their children financially and psychologically. On the contrary, counter-presentation of the ageing offered to their children is relatively minor. With increases in the level of educational attainment of their children and the development of technology and material produttion of the society, the position of the ageing in the family is considerably degraded. In addition to these, they do not have significant amount of property to inherit to their children. All of these factors imply nogligible contribution to the household life. Until present, however, the channel of the communication between the ageing and their children has been maintained relatively well. But the important thing to be noticed is: when the filial piety which has long maintained the traditional relationship between the ageing and their children loses its power to command the behavior of Korean young generation, the family life of the ageing, especially the ageing men might be quite uneasy in the future.

龜尾地域의 工業化에 따른 諸問題點과 그 對策에 關한 硏究 : 社會的 側面 a sociological perspective

柳時中 慶北大學校 東洋文化硏究所 1977 東洋文化硏究 Vol.4 No.-

The present study focuses on the changes in the industrializing Gumi area in a sociological and anthropological perspective. Three parts in this sudy are: (1) the changes in the Gumi area due to the industrialization; (2) the daily life patterns of the factory workers of the Gumi industrial complex ; (3) the integration of Gumi local community. The followings are summaries of the study of the problems of industrializing Gumi area and some suggested coping measures. 1. An Early Establishment of the Master Plan The problems we have found in the industrializing Gumi area are caused by the inefficient combination of urban and industrial infra-structure. The Gumi area has not yet equipped itself with an integrated master plan. The plan, once well designed, will help urban and industrial infra-structure function efficiently. 2. Balanced Placement and Expansion of Urban Apparatus Function facilities for the healthy development of a city community, expansion of city function facilities and their right positioning should be achieved. The Gumi area lacks basic city function facilities for urban life environment. Improvement of these facilities and to place them in proper locations of the city will improve the city life of the Gumi people. And, the placing of various branch offices of public administrative organizations within the industrial complex and concentration of banks, commerce and service facilities in the downtown Gumi should be reconsidered for proper relocation 3. Easing the Housing Shortage One of problems facing the Gumi area is housing shortage. Housing shortage will be solved by portioning housing site and notifying the public of the fact. In addition, one style of housing can be built in one area and another kind in the other area, Hill sides and mountainous places could be efficiently used as house building sites. 4. Some Considerations for Relocating People For the people who are forced to move from their original places because of the formation of the industrial complex in Gumi, replacement sites and their job situations should be well considered in advance. That is, in case of changing employment, technical training and employment introductory information will be necessitated and facilities for life environment for the new housing site should be properly considered. 5. Selection of industrial Zone and its Specialized Function In light of site conditioning of the Gumi industrial complex, it is no wonder Gumi is selected for industries for electronics parts or complete commodity prodduction. However, it is desirable to use hill sides and swamp land for the sites of factories, so that a great deal of arable land cannot be absorbed into factory sites. In a long-term perspective, the Gumi industrial zone will have much benefit by specializing in electronics production. 6. Improvement of Life Conditions of Factory Workers The wages for the factory workers, especially low-paid front-line workers should be enhanced to the level of satisfactory life. An eight-hour work system should be strictly observed and enough recreation and rest should be secured. Also necessary is the improvement of bad working environments in the industrial complex. Expansion and improvement of workers dormitories and their facilities are necessary. On the other hand, those workers who are cooking their own food or living in rent-houses should be given special bonuses because the wokers' dormitories and their facilities are not available to them. 7. Diversification of Educational Facilities and their Quality Improvement For the convenience of educating the children of the employees at the Gumi industrial complex, a liberal arts high school should be founded in Gumi and the quality of education at the primary schools be improved. Other recommendations for education are: the opening of night courses for the factory workers; the necessity of continuing education for adults; intensive use of counseling organizations for the adolescent factory workers. 8. Expansion of Welfare and Life Improvement Facilities in the Industrial Complex Each company at the Gumi industrial complex is desirable to have welfare facilities for the factory workers such as shopping, sports and recreations. A general service center which may include a shopping center, a theater, a conference hall and general service facilities, etc. is recommended to be established inside the Gumi industrial complex. 9. The Community People's Organizations The people living at the Gumi area are from many different scial backgrounds. For the integration and reflection of these diverse people's needs, a government civilian cooperative organization will be necessary that will concern adnministrative institutions, business companies, local people representatives and research organizations. At the same time, a labor-employer cooperative organization is required to represent the desires of the factory workers and to understand some difficulties facing the employers. 10. A Cooperative Organization for Coordinating Relevant Administrative Authorities The formation of an industrial complex at Gumi affects the surrouding areas around Gumi as well. Therefore, a new coordinating organization among neighboring city and county government authorities will be helpful in avoiding confroniation among them and also in having a smootn cooperation. And also, different belongings of administrative institutions inside the industrial zone have resulted in inevitable duplexity of their function performances. A long-standing coordinating institution will help ease these problems in the cooperation among different governing instititions. So far, we have summarized surfacing problems due to the industrialization in Gumi area and discussed some ways of tackling these problems. The experiences we are now having at Gumi have left us a precious instruction on Korean industrialization in general and on the new industrial city constructions. This precious instruction; (1) We are called upon to have a thorough advanced investigation of a prospective industrial zone from various angles; (2) more importantly, construction of an industrial zone should be proceeded by an efficient harmony of city industry infra-structure which is the basis of the chain stage development from industrialization. By doing so only, we are sure that problems involving the process from industrialization to urbanization can be easily solved. By solving these problems, the people in the area concerned could lead a satisfactory life.

韓國人의 渡日狀況과 日本에서의 生活實態 : 解放前을 中心으로 Pre-Liberation Period

柳時中 慶北大學校 東洋文化硏究所 1974 東洋文化硏究 Vol.1 No.-

At present there are more than 600,000 Koreans residing in Japan. They are leading a hard life, facing various problems such as racial discrimination derived from Japanese prejudices, assimilation problems of a minority racial group among the majority Japanese, a unique problematic socio-economic status, and problems involving nationalities. The hard life of Koreans' in Japan can be traced back to the period of Japanese rule, Studying the Koreans who went to Japan before 1945, the present paper will examine the actual conditions of the Korean passage to Japan and its historical background, Korean life in Japan and their problems in assimilating themselves into the Japanese life situation. The study is mainly helped by the existent literature in and outside Korea, and the author's observations and listening to other opinions made the study possible. 1. The Actual Conditions of Korean Emigration to Japan and Its Historical Background About of 35,000 Koreans went to Japan before 1920, attracting no special attention. However, a vigorous passage of Koreans to Japan began around 1920. Korean emigration to Japan was temporarily checked by the travel certificate system in the beginning of the 1920s. However, shortly afterwards, during the same period a total of about 350,000 Koreans were successful in getting to Japan During the years of 1930-1938, the number of Koreans who went to Japan reached a tremendous 460,000. There were several periodic factors which encouraged so many Koreans to go to Japan during the 1920s and 1930s. One is the "land investigation project" conducted from 1905 to 1918; another was the increasing number of Japanese land owners inside Korea; and the third factor was the falling price of rice caused by the "rice production multiplication plan." These three factors mainlyc aused aggravation to those Koreans in the rural areas. In other words, these factors produce dan increasing number of wandering farmers, tenant-farmers and farmers finding their way to Japan crossing the sea. The period between 1939 and 1945 witnessed the outbreaks of the Sino-Japanese War and the Pacific War, in the wake of which most Japanese laborers were mobilized to the front lines, creating a personnel shortage filled up by Korean laborers. During the seven-year period a total of 820,000 Koreans were drafted to Japan and the number of other Koreans who went across the sea to Japan amounted to 410,000. However, about 160,000 Koreans returned home before the American invasion and during the bombing of Japan, and the rest of them(1,060,000 were left in Japan) stayed in Japan. The seven-year period sent around 58.2 percent of all Koreans to Japan, a significant period. Those Koreans commandeered in this period were put into work-places with poor working conditionssuch as in coal-mines, factories, and military construction. At the time of Korean liberation from Japan a total of 2,100,000 Koreans were residing in Japan. 2. Actual Conditions of the Life of Korean Residents in Japan (1) Regional distribution of Koreans in Japan Throughout the period of Japanese rule over Korea, most Koreans lived in the west of Kansai district, particulary converging in in the big cities such as Kyoto, Osaka, Kobe, and coal mining areas in Kyushu. However, a considerable part of the Korean emigrants lived in the eastern part of Japan, particularly in Tokyo, Nagoya districts and Hokkaido. Most of the Koreans who came to Japan were from four provinces in the southern tip of Korea. (2) Occupation Before the outbreak of World War Ⅱ, most of the Koreans living in Japan worked as manual laborers in civil enginnering and construction, coal-mining and in factories. In addition, some of them served as manual laborers for removing excrement, collecting rags or as house servants. These Koreans were virtually factory work forces ready for employment. The general characteristics we can find among these Korean workers in Japan were low wages, longer work hours and "dirty" overwork. Several factors are responsible for these labor conditions. Most of them were from farming villages in Korea and they had little work experience at factories. Furthermore, they had little education, so it was hard for them to understand Japanese. Moreover, one of the most important reasons for their poor condition was "because they are Koreans." (3) Patterns of Residence The then-existing residence patterns of Korean residents in Japan could be described as "dirtiness and densely populated segregation," which were due to Koreans' economic poverty, cultural similarity, the housing shortage and convergence of relatives and persons from the same home land. The patterns of Korean residence in terms of concentration can be divided into two categories: that is, one for the Koreans who lived together with Japanese in their slum districts and the other for the Koreans who only formed a new slum. The Koreans, for the most part, were living in rented houses or rented rooms. Therefore, their patterns of living were irregular, types of houses and hygienic facilities were the worst among the bad houses. (4) Family Structure The Koreans who went to Japan until the middle of the 1920swere seasonal laborers whose purpose of going to Japan was only to make money for short time, but, on the contrary, from the latter part of the 1920s to the year 1939 the patterns were turned into settlement and family-accompanied migration. (5) Crime The criminal acts of Korean residents in Japan were issues of serious concern in Japan since before the second World War because of the higher frequency of criminal acts in proportion to Koreans' rate in the population and for their violent acts. However, two phenomena must be pointed out. In the first place, the criminal acts of Koreans were those produced by circumstances, such as larceny, gamb1ing, injury, etc. In other words, admitting the high rate of their occurrence, those criminal acts resulted from the indigent standards of living. Therefofe, all Koreans do not have an inborn nature of committing crimes. In the second place, we should ponder the fact that Koreans are generally regarded as people who committed crimes more highly than Japanese. The Japanese scholar Takashi suggests a clear, unguestionable conclusion ahout this question. When we discuss the high rate of Koreans' committing crimes, he said, we do not take into consideration the discrepancy of the qualitative composition of population between the two nations. of committing crimes When we take various factors of qualitative structures such as age, sex, occupation, etc., we will surely find that there is no difference in Japan between Koreans and Japanese. 3. Korean Problems as Residents in Japan and the Problems of Their Assimilation The Korean residents in Japan during this period were a minority racial group who could not be assimilated with Japanese, showing a parallel line. This relation between the two nations was visibly expressed by the Japanese massacre of Koreans in the time of the "Great Kanto Earthquake," positive resistence toward Japanese by Korean intellectuals in and outside Japan and in the work boycott by Korean laborers in Japan. This disagreement between the two nations can be explained by several factors: mutual distrust deeply rooted in them, cultural heterogeneity, the low class or lowly evaluated jobs occupied by Koreans in Japan, Koreans' increasing hatred toward Japanese by Korean nationalism, the inconsistency of the Japanese policy of assimilation and the lack of Japanese generosity, the poor life of Korean residents in Japan, and finally the fact that Korean laborers were in competition with Japanese counterparts. However the fundamental cause was Japanese racial prejudice toward Koreans and racial discrimination. And these two factors repulsed Koreans' feelins toward them.