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        무산소성역치 트레이닝이 국부 피부온과 평균피부온에 미치는 영향

        홍성찬(Sung Chan Hong),정동혁(Dong Hyeog Jeong) 한국운동영양학회 2001 Physical Activity and Nutrition (Phys Act Nutr) Vol.5 No.1

        N/A This study is aimed at investigating the change in local and mean skin temperature of human body affected by anaerobic threshold training. Subjects were 20 male university students to trace the change in skin temperature when they undergo exercises 20 minutes a day, five days a week for 12 weeks at anaerobic threshold. In order to process the collected data, the mean and standard deviation values were calculated from the results of each item measured for two groups. One way repeated measure ANOVA was applied to find out the change with the lapse of time, while Student`s t-test was used to ascertain the average difference between the two groups and Newman-Keuls test as the post-hoc. The significance level was set at 5%. The followings are the conclusion of the study conducted to examine the effects of long-term anaerobic threshold training on local skin and mean skin temperatures; First, the local skin temperature decreases generally on all body parts except on feet in the non-exercising group, whereas, it maintains the usual state on all except on hands, thighs and feet in the anaerobic threshold training group. Second, the non-exercising group shows decrease in skin temperature lower than average of normal state during the time from the start of excercise to recovery, while the mean skin temperature of anaerobic threshold training group increases generally compared to normal state. Summed up, the long-term anaerobic threshold training is believed to activate the sweat-secreting mechanism of human body and to induce to push up the skin temperature by means of rising heart rate thanks to the improved blood circulatory function, local blood flow gain and improved thermo-regulatory vascular expansion function. It comes, therefore, true that the anaerobic threshold training might affect the local and mean skin temperatures and that the anaerobic threshold training is directly connected with the thermo-regulatory function of our body.

      • KCI등재

        수당 백낙규와 동암 백남운

        홍성찬(Hong, Sung-Chan) 연세대학교 국학연구원 2017 동방학지 Vol.181 No.-

        동암 백남운(1894~1979)은 일제하 연희전문학교 상과 교수로서 일제의 정체론, 타율론적 식민사관에 정면으로 맞선 한국 학술계의 거벽이다. 이글은 동암의 생애와 학문을 이해하는데 불분명하였던 몇 가지 점들을 그간 소개된 적 없 던 그의 부친 수당 백낙규(1866~1935)의 수당선생유고라는 문집을 통해서 살펴본 것이다. 여기서 확인한 사항은 아래와 같다. 첫째, 수당 백낙규는, 노론 기호학파의 종장으로서 위정척사의 입장에서 을사늑약에 항거하여 순절한, 연재 송병선의 핵심 제자였다. 그리하여 수당은 개화와 일본, 신학문에 반대하였고 농민전쟁에도 반대하였으며 특히 이런 행동들의 뿌리에 공리(功利), 즉 공명(功名)과 이욕(利慾)이 있다고 보고 그걸 극도로 경계한 정통유자(儒者)였다. 둘째, 반면 동암의 외가는 원래 서울에서 활동하던 양반관료 집안인데 19세기 후반 전북 고창으로 내려갔고 그 후 문명개화, 자본주의 경제사상을 수용하여 서울의 상업중심지였던 다동(茶洞)과 전북 고창을 오르내리며 식산흥업과 신식교육에 적극 나선 개명한 집안이었다. 셋째, 7세부터 부친 수당에게 유교경전과 한학을 공부한 동암은 친가와 외가의 서로 다른처세관, 세계관 사이에서 갈등하다가 1909년 봄외가의 도움을 믿고 돌연 상경하여 단발 변복한채 신학문 공부에 나섰다. 수당으로서는 청천벽력 같은 일이었지만 결국 동암은 1912년에 수원농림학교에 입학하였고 1918년에는 일본유학에도 나섰다. 넷째, 수당은 동암의 조선경제사 연구와 집필사실을 일찍부터 알았고 그걸 여러 면에서 도운것 같다. 그렇지만 수당은 동암의 마르크스주의 역사관에는 동의하지 않았다. 유자(儒者)의 입장에서 당시 유행하던 계급타파, 개조시대, 평등,박애 같은 새로운 사조에 동의하지 않았다. Dongam Baek Nam-un was a leading authority in the Korean Studies during the colonial period. This article examines several points regarding his life and studies, using the heretofore publicly undisclosed document collection Sudang seonsaeng yugo of his father Sudang Baek Nak-gyu. First, Sudang was a key disciple of Song Byeong-seon who supported the Wijeong Cheoksa (Protect the Orthodox, Expel the Heterodox) ideal. Consequently, he opposed enlightenment, Japan, and the new learning as well as the peasant war. Second, Dongam’s maternal side adopted civilization and enlightenment philosophy. They traveled between Seoul and Gochang and participated in the establishment of the industrial promotion and new education movements. Third, Dongam began studying the Confucian Classics with his father. However, in 1909, he went to Seoul, hid his topknot, and began studying the new learning. For Sudang, this was an unexpected shock but Dongam ultimately enrolled at the Suwon Agricultural School in 1912. Fourth, it seems Sudang knew early on that Dongam was researching and writing about Korean economic history and helped him on several fronts. However, he disagreed with Dongam’s Marxist historical perspective.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        규칙적인 유산소운동에 따른 혈중지질 및 HPA axis 호르몬의 변화

        홍성찬 ( Hong Seong Chan ),함용기 ( Ham Yong Gi ),이정윤 ( Lee Jeong Yun ),박병근 ( Park Byeong Geun ) 한국운동영양학회 2003 Physical Activity and Nutrition (Phys Act Nutr) Vol.7 No.1

        The purpose of this study was to evaluate the effect of regular aerobic exercise on blood lipid and HPA axis hormone in middle-aged women. The subject for this study were 14 healthy women who were 35-45years. They didn`t have any history cardiovascular disease. The subject were divided into two group: swimming (experimental) group (n=7) and control group (n=7). The swimming exercise protocol for experimental group consisted of a 10-minute warm-up, 40-minute main exercise, and 10-minute cool down. Exercise intensity was range from 55% to 80%HRmax. Exercise was performed 5-6 days/a week during 16 weeks. The result of this study as follows. 1. The change of blood lipid variable. 1) The TC of an experimental group was decreased significantly, whereas that of a control group was no significant different after exercise. 2) The TG of an experimental group was decreased significantly, whereas that of a control group was no significant different after exercise. 3) The HDL-C of an experimental group were increased significantly whereas that of a control group was no significant different after exercise. 4) The ACTH of an experimental group were increased significantly, whereas that of a control group was no significant different after exercise. 5) The cortisol of an experimental group were increased significantly, whereas that of a control group was no significant different after exercise. In conclusion, swimming exercise performed during 16 weeks in this study was affected positive change in blood lipid and HPA axis hormone. Therefore we think the swimming exercise seems to be a available method for improving cardiovascular disease and lipid utilization.

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        19세기말 서울 동막 객주의 미곡 거래 - 김상민(金相敏) 집안의 장부 『일기(日記)』와 『장책(長冊)』 분석을 중심으로 -

        홍성찬 ( Hong Sung-chan ) 연세대학교 국학연구원 2016 동방학지 Vol.177 No.-

        서울 동막 객주 김상민 집안에서 작성한 장부 『日記』(1894~1899)와 『長冊』(1889~1899)을 이용하여 19세기말 서울 한강변 객주의 미곡거래 실태를 살펴보았다. 중요한 발견은 다음과 같다. 첫째, 19세기말 서울 동막 객주의 미곡 반입 방식은 20세기 초와 같았다. 선운업은 화주와 선주가 분리된 근대 선운업의 영역에 속하였고, 산지에서는 서울로 향하는 배가 수시로 출발하였으며, 운임은 화물 한 단위당 얼마로 고정되어 있었다. 그리고 화주는 언제든지 거래처 객주를 바꿀 수 있었다. 둘째, 한강변 객주는 경기, 충청, 황해, 전라 등 전국 40여 곳에서 올라온 미곡을 취급하였다. 이들 미곡은 산지(출하지), 품질(등급, 보관햇수, 포장상태), 수급사정 등에 따라서 가격이 수시로 변했다. 가격기구가 제대로 작동한 것이다. 이에 객주들은 미곡 상품을 산지와 품질에 따라서 세분하고 그 각각에 고유의 이름을 붙여 장부에 기재하고 거래도 하였다. 19세기말 서울 한강변 마포, 동막, 서강 등지는 전국에서 다양한 브랜드의 미곡 상품이 올라와 자유롭게 거래되며 각각의 시세를 형성하여 간 일종의 곡물거래소(grain exchange) 같은 곳이었다. 그 점에서 19세기 후반에 미곡의 운송, 보관, 유통시스템이 붕괴하여 지역 간 미곡거래와 전국 규모의 미곡시장 통합이 와해되었다는 주장은 재고할 필요가 있는 것 같다. This article examines the rice transactions of brokers [gaekju] operating on the banks of the Han River in late nineteenth century Seoul through an examination of the account books, Ilgi (1894~1899) and Jangchaek (1889~1899), of the Seoul Dongmak broker family of Kim Sangmin. Several important discoveries can be drawn from this study. First, the rice carrying methods of the Seoul Dongmak brokers in the late nineteenth century were similar to those in the early twentieth century. The shipping industry utilized the modern shipping distinction of shipper versus shipowner, and boats departed with high frequency from the producer areas for Seoul with freight charges fixed for each unit of cargo. Also, the shipper could change his transacting broker whenever he wished. Second, the brokers situated on the banks of the Han River received rice coming from about 40 locations across the country, including Gyeonggi, Chungcheong, Hwanghae, and Jeolla provinces. The brokers continuously adjusted their prices based on the area of production (shipping point of origin), quality (grade, time in storage, condition of packaging), and the supply and demand situation. The price mechanism was fully operating. These brokers separated their rice product based on production area and quality and attached a distinct name to each product, which was recorded in the account books and used for transactions. In late nineteenth century locales like Mapo, Dongmak, and Seogang, diverse brands of rice came from around the country and were traded freely. As market prices for each rice brand were established, these locales functioned like a type of grain exchange. Consequently, the argument that the transport, storage, and distribution system of rice completely collapsed or that inter-regional rice transactions and the national-scale rice market disintegrated in the latter half of the nineteenth century needs to be reconsidered.

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