일본 제국주의의 팽창과 동아시아 ; 일제말 통제경제정책과 물가통제

하원호 ( Won Ho Ha ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2006 大東文化硏究 Vol.54 No.-

唐 前半期 進士科의 性格

河元洙(Ha Won-soo) 역사학회 1998 역사학보 Vol.158 No.-

조선후기 變亂과 민중의식의 성장

하원호(Ha Won-Ho) 한국사학회 2004 史學硏究 Vol.- No.75

At the late Chosun dynasty, Korean people had been disturbed by the social changes and uncertainty. Both Whayon(訛言) and Yoyon(妖言) were representing these Situations. The Whayon was indicative of the critic on the Establishment such as the activities of ann-government, a treasonable conspiracy On the other hand, the Yoyon relatively showed the tone of the religion. Using the Budhisattiva's belief(彌信信仰) and Chonggamlok(鄭鑑錄), the Yoyon had developed MinJung(民衆)'s religious belief into the activities of the ana-Establishment, The leaders of MinJung's upheaval usually put these religious believes of people's mobilization, The people's fervent hope of the Utopia closely connected with their consciousness of anti-government The Baekryunkyo(白蓮敎)' rebellion in Ch'ing China was an example They applied religious relief, like the Kupjaekwan(劫災觀) of Bodhisattva's belief, to the weapon of anti-government's thoughts, The Kupjae(劫災) based on the thoughts of people's anti-establishment and actively led them to the uprising, Unlike both China and Korea, the Japanese people did not based on the thoughts of the Bhudhisattva's belief and Chonggamlok. Even though they used the religious thoughts for the uprising, these activities did not developed into the anti-establishment's activities. The Japanese peasant's uprisings was unsuccessful and ultimately admitted the government's authority. The Korean people had been anxious about the fear of the external plunders since the late 16th and early 17th century's national crisis, During the 17 to 18 century, the incidents emphasized peoples' mentality such as the crisis of the external aggression In case of China, Chonjinheo(天地會) made the anti-Manchurian of the Han race Although both Korea and China's historical experiences was different, two peoples severely went through anti-imperial activities and their uprisings based on the anti-imperial consciousness These experiences were not similar to the Japanese, After the Opening Ports of China in 1840, Japan in 1854, Korea in 1876, these three countries included into the World system, However, the opening ports resulted in different situations, such as the imperialism In Japan, the the semi-colony in China, and the Japanese colony in Korea, respectively. These situations were closely connected with the people's different consciousness of the "Western impact" or "Western aggression" among these three countries. Therefore, we argued that the peoples' different responses of the external impact in China, Korea, and Japan had been connected with their historical experiences since 17 to 18 centuries.

韓末 榮山江流域과 木浦의 상품유통

하원호(Ha Won-ho) 고려사학회 2006 한국사학보 Vol.- No.23

목포는 전라도 서부 해안과 남부 연안 서반부의 유통권을 배후에 두고 영산강을 통해 전라도 내륙부의 유통망과도 연결되고 있었다. 목포에서 영산포까지의 영산강 수로 양안에는 5리 내지 10리마다 포구가 있는데 강안에서의 상업은 이들 40여 개에 이르는 포구의 매매거래가 주를 이룬다. 영산포가 목포개항과 더불어 전남의 2대 화물집산지로 성장하게 되는 것은 광주, 나주, 남평 등의 대시장을 배후지로 두고 있었기 때문이다. 개항 이후 영산포에서 목포로 이출된 상품 중 가장 많은 양을 차지하는 것은 미곡이었고, 일본으로 수출을 위한 현미의 이출이 많았다. 또 전통적 면화산지로 이를 원료로 목면을 제직하고 해마다 타도에 수송하는 량이 거액에 달했다. 목포에서 영산강으로 들어오는 외국산 수입품 중 가장 많았던 것은 석유였다. 석유는 점등에 주로 사용되었지만, 정미소용으로도 많이 사용되었다. 이 시기 곡물수출과 관련해 도정업이 발달하면서 석유의 수요가 증가했던 것이다. 이 같은 유통과정의 변동은 생산구조에도 영향을 미쳤다. 미가의 등귀와 함께 지주층이 적극적으로 미곡의 상품화에 나서면서 지주제의 강화를 초래했다. 곡물수출이 증대하면서 생산력의 증대현상도 나타났다. 종자개량은 일본미종의 도입에서 두드러지게 나타난다. 영산포 부근에도 일본미종은 상당한 수준으로 경작되고 있었다. 생산량은 많았지만 기후적 조건 때문에 제한이 많아 경작은 부농이상의 농민이나 경영에 적극성을 보이는 지주에 의해 이루어졌다. 또 대두의 수출증가와 가격등귀는 대두의 경작면적 확대로 이어졌고, 대두가 면포보다 가격조건이 나아지면서 田作에서 대립하던 면화작을 구축하는 양상을 보이기도 했다. 또한 대두의 경작방식도 개량되고 있었다. 가격체계의 변화가 면작의 대두작으로의 전환, 그리고 대두수출 증가와 방적사수입이라는 무역과 생산구조의 변동을 가져오는 과정을 영산강 유역의 사례에서 확인할 수 있었다. 전통적으로 영산강 유역과 전라남도 내륙부의 상품유통의 집산지였던 영산포는 대외무역과 원격지 교역의 거점이었던 목포와 상호 연계하여 발전하고 있었다. 이 과정에서 전통적 유통구조는 변모되어 갔다. 그 변모는 상품생산구조에까지 깊은 영향을 미치고 있었던 것이다. Mokpo(木浦) was putting Cholla Province(全羅道) western part seashore and southern district along the western coast Goods circulation rank on back and is linked with Cholla Province inland department’s Goods circulation rank through Yeongsan River(榮山江). From Mokpo to Yeongsanpo(榮山浦), there was 40 commerce ports among 20 km or 40 km along Yeongsan River. Beacause of the great markets of Kwangju(光州), Naju(羅州), Nampyeong(南平) etc., Yeongsanpo was grown to Cholla-namdo’s 2 freight distributing center after Mokpo opening a port. It was rice that dominate most quantitys of goods exported from Yeongsanpo to Mokpo after opening a port Mokpo, and there were shipment of uncleaned rice for much export to Japan. Also, this local was traditional cotton production local. There were much amounts which make cloth by cotton and export to other area. It was oil that was most many of foreign origin imports that enter from Mokpo to Yeongsan River. Oil was used mainly in lighting a candle, and was used much at a rice-polishing mill. Demand of oil increased as export of Japan of rice increases. Change of this circulation process influenced in production structure. Rice is exported to Japan in large quantities and rice price rose. So, the landed class received more farm rent to sell rice. Productive capacity increased as export of rice increases. Seed improvement appears notedly in introduction of Japan rice species. Japan rice species was cultivated by fair level near Yeongsanpo. There were much outturn, but because there are much limitations because of condition climate enemy, cultivation consisted by the landed class or rich farmers. Also, beans export increase and price rise of Japan were connected by area under cultivation extension of beans. Farmland that price condition of beans grows beans than cotton increased. Also, cultivation way of beans was improved. After Mokpo opening a port, Yeongsanpo that was traditionally goods circulation center of Yeongsan River basin and Cholla-namdo inland departmen was developed in goods circulation with Mokpo that was position of foreign trade and far trade commerce.

唐後半期 進士科와 士人들간의 私的 紐帶

河元洙(Ha Won-soo) 동양사학회 1996 東洋史學硏究 Vol.56 No.-

과거제도(科擧制度)의 다중성(多重性): 전통(傳統)의 근대적해석(近代的解釋)과 관련한 -시론(試論)

하원수 ( Won Soo Ha ) 수선사학회 2011 史林 Vol.0 No.39

What was written in a published book focused on the keju(科擧) deserves careful consideration to understand its common idea at that time. This is the reason to compare A Study on the Examination System in China( 中國考試制度硏究 ) written by Deng Dingren(鄧定人) and A Monograph on the Examination Systems in Every Dynasties( 歷代貢擧志 ) known as a book of Feng Mengzhen(馮夢禎). The former is considered as the first modern research book on the keju, and the latter is the oldest one still extant on the same topic. Deng`s book characterizes the keju as the examination to select the government officials, and regards it affirmatively as an institution usefully convertible to modern one in a nation-state. All the negative effects of it were due to the emperors which do not exist anymore. But Feng`s book is more critical to the kemu(科 目), another name of the keju at that time. The reason is that it examines the candidates very rigorously, and treats them too differently from the successful candidates who are highly respected. It is not proper because all of them have no difference as a shi(士). Behind its argument, there is an assumption that the keju is not just a method to select government officials by emperors but a matter related with ``tianxia(天下)`` for which the shi is responsible. The considerable gap between the two books` contents implies that the realities of the keju in traditional times could be different from what is interpreted in modern era. Actually, the present notion of the keju is very similar to that of Deng`s book. It emphasizes that the keju was the state institution to select officials by examination. Viewed from this nation-centered standpoint, it is easy to miss some important aspects of the keju realized by the shi who applied for and passed it. Therefore we need to observe multiple aspects of the keju, and it would be helpful to rectify the images of the keju bent by the modern perspective.

《韓國近代綿業史硏究》, 權泰檍, 서울, 一潮閣, 1989

河元鎬(Ha Won Ho) (서평자) 역사교육연구회 1990 歷史敎育 Vol.48 No.-

應試者의 입장에서 본 唐代의 科擧 : 禮部試의 性格에 관한 一試論

河元洙(Ha Won-Soo) 역사교육연구회 2005 역사교육 Vol.96 No.-

The Tang civil service examination is not easy to understand just as a way to officialdom, because the candidates from provinces(xianggong) and literary degree (jinshike) became more and more important against the original intention of the government. This is why I scrutinize the tomb inscriptions of the Tang literati(shi) from the standpoint of applicants for examination. The earlier Tang is characterized by the appearance of the inscriptions of the successful candidates only with the title of nominal office(sanguan). On the other side, there are some inscriptions with the title of "xianggongjinshi" emphasizing the application itself for literary degree as a local tribute in the later Tang. The period of Xuanzong is the turning point of this shift of applicants" main concern from the official posts to the passing of examination. This was also the time when the imbalance between the qualified officials with sanguan and the official posts with practical function (zhishiguan) resulted in heavy problem in the government. The regular examination in the board of rites(libushi) was made during this period, and it could be one of the methods to lessen the problem making the applicants" way to the officialdom more difficult and complicated. Instead of this, the court formally allowed the applicants respected as guests to the court by libushi. As a result, the literate got an authorized chance to obtain the official status(wei) of shi and regarded it as a qualifying examination to certify them different from the commoners. Though libushi made the applicants harder to get a substantial government office, but the shi used it as a good opportunity to be recognized officially as the ruling elite.

‘孔門四科’에 대한 認識을 통해 본 士人의 自意識

河元洙(Ha Won-Soo) 동양사학회 2004 東洋史學硏究 Vol.88 No.-

近代 Ⅰ (1876~)

河元鎬(Ha Won-ho) 역사학회 1999 역사학보 Vol.163 No.-