의원발의의 동인에 대한 경험적 분석

최준영(JunYoungChoi) 21세기정치학회 2006 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.16 No.2

The Purpose of this study is to identify the factors leading lawmakers to introduce bills, create hypotheses for each factor, and test them empirically. The factors having impacts on bill introduction by individual legislators can be divided into three categories: personal, institutional, and constituent factors. The personal factor includes variables such as seniority, gender, age, and former occupation. Leadership position in a party, the number of committees a legislator works for, committee chairperson, and members of ruling (or opposition) party are the variables constituting the institutional factor. Electoral competitiveness and the level of urbanization in legislators' district are used as variables for the constituent factor. Relying upon Event Count Analysis, this study examines empirically whether these variables have an impact on the dependent variable, the total number of bills introduced by individual lawmakers in the first half of the 17th National Assembly. The findings indicate that individual legislators's decision to introduce bills is greatly influenced by the personal and institutional factors. But the constituent factor turns out to have insignificant impacts on the decision.

탈냉전기 미국의 대중앙아시아 정책의 변화와 연속성

성동기(SUNG DONG KI),최준영(JunYoungChoi) 21세기정치학회 2009 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.19 No.2

The purpose of this study is to examine the new international environment in which Central Asia has become one of the most strategically important areas for the World Powers and to analyze the change and continuity of U.S. foreign policies toward this area since the end of the Cold War. For this purpose, this study pays attention to major characteristics of foreign policies toward Central Asia that the three U.S. administrations after the Cold War had taken. The analysis shows that the U.S. has been hesitated to extend its influence over Central Asia despite of its geopolitical and geoeconomic importance. The Obama administration, for example, has a difficulty to create close relationships among five countries in Central Asia because of the Afghanistan War. In order to win the War, the U.S. badly needs Russia's help. Given that Russia does not want the U.S. to erode its already established power over this area, the Obama administration would not march into the area in order to acquire Russia's assistance in the War. However, it is very likely that there would be the New Great Game in the area if the U.S. successfully ends the war in Afghanistan.

한국 대학생의 대미(對美)인식

김명섭(MYUNG-SUP KIM),최준영(JunYoungChoi) 21세기정치학회 2004 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.14 No.2

The purpose of this study is to test empirically various hypotheses related to the factors influencing the level of trust among Koreans on the United States based on a nation-wide survey on college students. In order to test the hypotheses, this study employs multiple regression analysis. The results acquired by the regression analysis indicate that the following factors have statistically significant impacts on the level of trust on the United States: ideological Anti-Americanism, short and long term impacts caused by activities of the United States, opinions on North Korea, globalization, and American pop cultures. However, the opinion on China, the level of nationalism, and the exposition to the Anti-American education turn out to have statistically insignificant impacts on the level of trust. Based on these results, the following suggestions are offered in order to retard the current diffusion of the Anti-Americanism among Koreans and to regenerate solid and mutual trust between South Korea and the United States. First, it is necessary for the two countries to materialize a counter discourse neutralizing negative effects of the ideological Anti-Americanism. Second, it is very crucial to solve differences of opinion between the two countries about how to deal with North Korea. Third, the two countries should go great length to improve images of the U.S. Force among Koreans and to come up with a Post-Cold-War rationale for its stationing in the Korean peninsular. Last, both of two countries should make more efforts to change the conviction imbedded in the minds of many South Koreans that globalization and Americanization are just two sides of the same coin.

헌법재판소장·헌법재판관 인사청문회에 나타난 정파적 특성

유광종(Gwangjong Yu),최준영(JunYoungChoi) 21세기정치학회 2013 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.23 No.2

The purpose of this article is to empirically examine whether the inter-partisan mode is a dominant type determining the pattern of the confirmation hearings on the President and Justices of Constitutional Court of Korea. This article conducted content analysis of the written records of the confirmation hearings on four Presidents and fifteen Justices of Constitutional Court. The findings are as follows. For the confirmation hearings on the candidates designated by President or ruling party, the inter-partisan mode characterized by opposition party members' criticism and ruling party members' defense appears to be dominant type. For the candidates designated by opposition party, however, the inter-partisan mode characterized by opposition party members' defense and ruling party members' criticism influences the pattern of the hearings even though its explanatory power rather weakens. Lastly, for the candidates designated by Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, non-partisan mode appears to be dominant in the confirmation hearings. These findings indicate that who designates the candidates for Constitutional Court has a significant impact on which type of mode is operated in the confirmation hearings.

몽골의 새마을운동 수용방식과 성공요인

김정호(KIM JEONG HO),최준영(JunYoungChoi),조진만(Cho Jin Man) 21세기정치학회 2012 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.22 No.2

There have existed many studies on the Saemaeul (New Village) Movement in Korea. However, it is not easy to find out the studies directly dealing with the way how to implant the movement in a foreign soil and how to make it thriving there. This stems from two reasons. First, a negative nuance has been attached to the movement because of the fact that it was originally conceived by the authoritarian regime controlled by the ex-president Park Chung-hee. Second, the efforts to export the movement to developing countries are relatively recent phenomena. Considering these points, this study analyzes the way how the movement was imported to Mongolia and how it became successful based on the nationwide survey data on the leaders of the Mongolian Saemaeul Movement. The findings indicate that there is the difference between Korea and Mongolia with respect to who leads the Movement. Contrary to the Korean experience that the movement was led mostly by the central government, the Saemaeul Movement in Mongolia has been led by the local networks of civil society. The findings also identify the followings as major success factors in the Saemaeul Movement in Mongolia: the active roles of the leaders of the movement, the way local residents perceive the movement, the cooperation between the Saemaeul Movement Association and local governments, and the cooperation between the central government and the local governments. The contributions of this study to the field of studies on the Saemaeul Movement are as follows. First, it reveals indigenous characteristics in the Saemaeul Movement in Mongolia. Second, it provides, we hope, significant academic and/or practical implications about how to build a democratic governance in developing countries.

회의록 분석을 통해서 본 국회 상임위원회 운영의 특징

가상준(Ka Sang joon),조진만(Cho Jin Man),최준영(JunYoungChoi),손병권(SohnByoungKwon) 21세기정치학회 2008 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.18 No.1

The purpose of the study is to examine whether the distinctive characters of individual standing committees have an effect on their composition and operations. In particular, we choose 4 committees, which are thought to be different from each other in terms of jurisdiction, out of 17 standing committees, and analyze their behavioral records. The selected committees are the Unification, Foreign Affairs & Trade Committee, the National Policy Committee, the Agriculture, Forestry, Maritime Affairs & Fisheries Committee, and the National Defense Committee. We examine their operations based on the level of change in membership, the percentage of attendance, the level of participation in committee meetings, and the mode of decision-making. The results show that all four committees fall short in the attendance and speech rate of members. Besides, the percentage of members absent during committee sessions without prior notice is high as well. The operation of standing committees is very important, because standing committees are one of the major arenas where consensus on a policy issue is reached among political parties, and where their consensus is directly connected to the operations and decisions of the floor. In order to enhance the trust of the public in the National Assembly and to perform the proper role of the National Assembly as a legislative body, it is necessary to reform the operations of standing committees among other things.