체제전환기 카자흐스탄의 민족 간 민족의식 및 민족동화 변화 연구 -카자흐인과 러시아인 대사의 설문조사를 중심으로-

성동기 ( Dong Ki Sung ) 중앙아시아학회 2008 中央아시아硏究 Vol.13 No.-

체제전환기에 나타난 우즈베키스탄 고려인 독립세대의 정체성 문제와 대응방안 고찰 : 국가정체성과 민족정체성 확립을 위한 교육정책을 중심으로

成東基(Sung Dong-Ki) 歷史敎育硏究會 2012 역사교육 Vol.121 No.-

Uzbek-Korean who was born at the time of Uzbekistan's Independence was defined as "Independence Generation" or "the Generation of Perestroika and Grasnost". They almost had no experience in Soviet regime and have grown in circumstance of democracy and capitalism. Basically Independence Generation has different identity with Uzbek-Korean "Soviet Generation". But they have not established National Identity since Uzbek government has pushed forward with Uzbek Nationalism and the economic development project of Uzbekistan has ended in failure. In addition, they have been worried about ethnic identity, when the various exchanges between Korea and Uzbekistan have become very active. So, we have to take notice of their realistic problems to put ethnic identity educational plan into action. The subject of this research is the new direction of the Central Asian-Korean study. The trend of the existing research on Central Asian-Korean independence generation has been focused on the analysis of the present state. However this research shows countermeasures to solve their immediate problems, there is a limit to realize them. So, this understanding will remain the future research project. The main content of this research is as follows. First, the analysis on national identity and ethnic identity of Uzbek-Korean Independence Generation. Second, the proposal of the educational plan to establish national identity and ethnic identity.

미르지요예프 정권의 언어정책과 전망 - ‘언어정책’ 관련 이론들과 우즈베크어의 현실적 언어지위를 중심으로 -

성동기(Sung, Dong Ki) 한국슬라브유라시아학회 2021 슬라브학보 Vol.36 No.4

Since assuming the presidency on December 4, 2016, Mirziyoyev has been expediting firm language policy from 2018 to the present in order to further underpin Uzbek"s status as the national language. The Presidential Decree “On Measures to Radically Increase the Prestige and Status of the Uzbek Language as the State Language” and the Draft of “New Law on the State Language of Uzbekistan” were declared in 2019 and 2020 respectively. Upon the declaration, Uzbek politicians, artists, and lawyers who stay in line with the language policy of the Karimov’s government oppose Mirziyoyev"s measures. The Russian government, media, and experts articulate strong concerns to the Uzbek government. Consequently, the status of the Russian language in Uzbekistan matters in pros and cons on Mirziyoyev"s policy. The basic goal of language policy of the Mirziyoyev’s government is to develop Uzbek as the national language that all Uzbek can recognize and to effectively block the use of Russian. However, there has been no conflict among ethnic groups due to thirty-year language problems since the “Law on State Language of the Republic of Uzbekistan” enacted by the Karimov’s government in 1989. The current president is prompting his policy sturdily without considering the realistic status of the Uzbek language and the huge budget for developing the Uzbek language. It is questionable whether or not the language policy pursued by the Mirziyoev regime will be successful and his policy has other intentions. This study aims to reveal the goal of the new language policy under the Mirziyoyev regime by analyzing language policy theory and the realistic status of the Uzbek language. For this, based on the comprehension of the previous studies on the Uzbek language, theories of language policy are explored. Then, the linguistic status and level of the Uzbek language are analyzed with seeing Karimov’s language law through language policy theory. Finally, the realistic linguistic status of the language and the goal of Mirziyoyev’s new language policy are scrutinized.

독립 후 우즈베키스탄에서 편찬된 새 역사책 분석 -독립우즈베키스탄 역사관의 소비에트 역사관 비교에 따라

성동기 ( Dong Ki Sung ) 한국러시아문학회 2003 러시아어문학 연구논집 Vol.13 No.-

우크라이나 코사크의 초기 형성과정과 정체성

성동기 ( Dong Ki Sung ) 한국러시아문학회 2004 러시아어문학 연구논집 Vol.15 No.-

우즈베키스탄 씨족(clan)의 순환적 발전행태

성동기 ( Dong Ki Sung ) 한국러시아문학회 2004 러시아어문학 연구논집 Vol.16 No.-

우즈벡어에 존재하는 러시아어 영향의 사회언어학적 분석

성동기 ( Dong Ki Sung ) 한국러시아문학회 2007 러시아어문학 연구논집 Vol.24 No.-

러시아와 중국의 정치적 협력관계 분석과 전망 -공조체제의 허와 실을 중심으로-

성동기 ( Dong Ki Sung ) 한국러시아문학회 2009 러시아어문학 연구논집 Vol.32 No.-

중앙아시아 고려인 이주의 새로운 유형과 연구 과제 -우즈베키스탄과 카자흐스탄을 중심으로-

성동기 ( Dong Ki Sung ) 한국민족학회 2009 민족학연구 Vol.8 No.-

1991년 구소련 붕괴 이후 중앙아시아 5개국이 독립을 맞이한 지 18년이 되었다. 이 기간 동안 국내의 고려인 연구는 활발히 진행되었으며 그 성과 역시 상당한 수준에 도달하였다.그 동안 국내의 고려인 연구는 크게 2단계로 나누어서 진행되었다고 여겨진다. 먼저 1단계 연구는 세 부분으로 나누어 진행되었다. 첫째, 고려인의 연해주 이주와 중앙아시아로의 강제이주와 관련된 역사적 분석이 연구되었다. 둘째, 고려인이 이주한 이후 발생한 전통문화의 변화를 분석하였던 문화사적 연구가 전개되었다. 셋째, 사회학적 접근 방법을 통해 이들의 정체성이 분석되었다. 전체적으로 고려인 연구의 1단계는 철의 장막이 사라진 이후 국내에서 본격화된 고려인 연구였기 때문에 과거 지향적인 방법론이 대세를 이루었다고 평가할 수 있다. 고려인 연구의 2단계는 구소련 붕괴 이후 체제전환기에 직면한 고려인 사회의 새로운 문제 이해와 그 해결책을 제시하는 시사적인 연구들도 나타났다. 예를 들면, 거주국의 민족주의 문제, 연해주 재이주 문제, 무국적 고려인 문제 등이 그것이다. 그리고 이와 연계되어 제시되었던 문제가 한국 정부의 지원 방안이었다. 그러나 고려인 연구가 18년을 넘어서는 지금에 또 다른 연구 과제가 나타나고 있음을 주목해야 한다. 단기간에 걸쳐 1, 2단계로 상당한 연구 성과를 거두었지만, 고려인 사회가 신속하게 변화되는 것만큼 연구방향과 문제제기 역시 그와 보조를 맞추어 한다. 고려인 연구의 3단계라고 정의할 수 있는 새로운 연구방향은 다음과 같이 나타나고 있다. 첫째, 거주국의 지위 변화와 고려인 사회의 변화. 둘째, 고려인 사회의 새로운 변화. 셋째, 차세대에 대한 연구의 필요성. 위와 같이 국내의 고려인 연구는 이제 3단계로 접어들어야 한다. 과거지향적인 기존의 연구를 바탕으로 현재 새롭게 변화되고 있는 고려인과 그 사회를 재조명할 시기가 이제는 되었다고 판단된다. We could research Central Asia-Korean after the collapse of USSR and reached the 18 year. In this period the research on them was conducted so actively and various papers were published. We are able to divide our research into two steps. The first step were divided into three contents: The first, the historical analysis of them according to the emigration to the Maritime Province and the deportation to Central Asia. The second, the cultural history of them according to alteration of traditional culture. The third, the analysis of their identity. Generally the first step of the research of Central Asia-Korean was focused on past-oriented history. The second step were divided into two contents: The first, the research of the new problems of their society. The second, the policy suggestion to solve problems. For example, Uzbek Nationalism, Kazakh Nationalism, the change of their society, the problem of stateless Central Asia-Korean, and the assistance of Korea Government and so on. Now we must realize the new research step, because their society and mind are changed by various circumstances. I want to present research contents of this third step as it follows. The first, the status change of Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan and the change of their society. The second, the appearance of the new form of their migration. The third, the need to research their next generation.

중앙아시아 역내 민족갈등 해결을 위한 다자간 협력기구 설립의 가능성 제고 -타지키스탄 내전 사례와 중견국가로서 한국의 역할을 중심으로-

성동기 ( Dong Ki Sung ) 한국민족연구원 2011 민족연구 Vol.0 No.46

The first reaction to the disintegration of the USSR by the end of 1991 was fear of an outburst of ethnic and interstate conflicts in the post-Soviet territory. in the Transcaucasus a war had broken out between Armenia and Azerbaijan; Moldova had split into two parts-Pridnestrovye and the territory loyal to Kishinyov; Ukraine faced the hazard of the Crimean Peninsula being annexed by Russia; and in the Baltic states a conflict flared up between authorities and Russian-speaking populations concerning the issues of citizenship and the state language. In those circumstances it was crucial to have a mechanism for dialogue and cooperation. Thus, in early 1992, a Commonwealth of Independent States [CIS] was created. But from the start CIS couldn`t play a role to solve political and economic problems that happened in the region of Central Asia. So, the Central Asian Union [CAU] was created in 1994 because of the disappointment with the CIS, originally comprised of three states-Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan. The creation of CAU caused a certain euphoria about the prospects of regional integration, and a number of regional cooperation institutions and mechanisms were established, such as interstate presidential and prime minister-level committees, and the Central Asian Bank for Cooperation and Development. Also, at that time, relationships among the presidents could be termed friendly. But after cease-fire of Tajik Civil War Tajikistan and Uzbekistan has been unfriendly and after Kazakhstan is emerging as a new economic power in the region Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan has been unfriendly too. Consequently, at present, CAU could be considered a failure in most of its functions. Now we have to understand the conflict structure of the region in Central Asia and consider solutions to establish CAU realistically. US, China, and Russia as high-level states can`t paly a role to solve the regional problems in Central Asia and recreate CAU because of representative partnership with Central Asian States. In this point we must cognize Middle Power as communicator to solve the upper problems in Central Asia. For examples, Kazakhstan can`t solve the conflict with Uzbekistan by bilateral relations and high-level states hasn`t exerted great efforts to improve the relationship between two states. Middle Power can play a role to solve the regional problems and discuss with high-level states. Now we consider Korea as Middle Power in Central Asia. Korean government has pushed New Asia Initiative and Central Asia is suitable region to achieve it. This paper will analyze the possibility of the establishment of multinational cooperation organization to solve the regional problems in Central Asia through the case of Tajik Civil War and the role of Korea as Middle Power.